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Australian Commonwealth, The, 

William Francis Schey 19 

Billion- Dollar Corporation, The, The Editor ... 421 

ADAMS, BROOKS ; America's Economic Supremacy 185 

BRADFORD, AMORY H. ; The Age of Faith 472 

BROWN, ALEXANDER; English Politics in Early Virginia 

History 573 

BULLOCK, CHARLES J. ; Monetary History of the United States 92 

CONANT, CHARLES A. ; The United States in the Orient . . , 469 

FERGUSON, CHARLES; The Religion of Democracy 476 

HOBSON, JOHN A.; The Economics of Distribution ?79 

JONES, EDWARD D. ; Economic Crises 183 

JUDSON, FREDERICK; The Law and Practice of Taxation in 

Missouri 91 

KIMBALL, LILLIAN G. ; The English Sentence 92 

MACPHERSON, HECTOR; Spencer and Spencerism 180 

McVEY, FRANK L. ; The Government of Minnesota 474 

MACY, JESSE; Political Parties in the United States 89 

OPDYKE, GEORGE HOWARD; The World's Best Proverbs and 

Short Quotations 93 

PUTNAM, DANIEL; A Text-Book of Psychology 574 

RED WAY, JACQUES W. ; Elementary Physical Geography.. . 283 

RUEMELIN, GUSTAV ; Politics and the Moral Law 571 

THURSTON, HENRY W. ; Economics and Industrial History for 

Secondary Schools 378 

WILLEY, FREEMAN OTIS ; Education, State Socialism and the 

Trust 187 

WOOD, HENRY; The Political Economy of Humanism ... 568 

Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen, The, 

D. L. Cease 235 

Chinese Civilization, Archer B. Hulbert 127 



Carnegie gifts, Psychological value of 555 

Chautauqua work, Extension of 554 

Crime, A continuous 267 

Education and menial labor 3^9 

Education in our new possessions. 1 69 

English tongue, Save the . . . j6 

Filipinos, Educating the 75 

German industrial education 74 

Oilman, Dr., and Johns Hopkins 77 

Industrial education 459 

Lectures, The essential thing in popular 267 

Porto Rico, Meager school facilities in 75 

Race problem, Labor and the 269 

Ross, Professor, Dismissal of 367 

Saving dollars and wasting men 460 

Syracuse University, Progress of 553 

Two points where we do not lead 1 68 

Color Problem, Has Jamaica Solved the, 

Julius Moritzen 3 1 

Cooperative Men and Things in England, Some, 

N. P. Oilman 403 

Corporations, Government Ownership of Quasi- 
Public, Edwin R. A. Seligman 305 

Cuba, Our Educational Responsibility in, 

Leonard B. Ellis, 256 

Democracy and National Authority, The Editor, . 425 

Direct Nominations by Petition: Some Note- 
worthy Expressions 349 

Doom of the Dictator, The Editor, 323 


Albany, Jobbery at 441 

Babcock's illusion, Chairman 538 

Bimetalism, international, a dead issue 156 

Bryan, A fair challenge to 355 


Bryan and Cleveland 353 

Bryan on plagiarism 537 

Bryan, A severe test for , . . . . 44 2 

Bryan after Watterson 44 l 

Carnegie vs, Schwab 539 

Child- labor, Hopeful southern opinion on 447 

China, Our army in 537 

Citizenship, A southern paper on fitness for 6 1 

Cleveland's pessimism 15^ 

Compete, Why we cannot 65 

Cuban independence, The Monroe doctrine and 249 

Economic folly from an unexpected source 251 

Educational need, A great 59 

Education, Great gifts to 

Emperor within twenty- five years, An 354 

Exports to the Philippines 537 

Foreign alarm at American progress ,.. 1 6 1 

Gage's bank deposits, Secretary. 44 2 

Government ownership, An unfortunate argument for .. . . 53^ 

Gorman law, Unexpected outcome of 537 

Harrison's inconsistency, ex- President *59 

Jobbery at Albany 44 J 

Labor, Organized, and the negro 443 

Labor unions, Mr. Schwab's stale criticism of . 54 * 

Labor policy. New York Central's enlightened 44^ 

Labor, Southern generosity to 445 

Labor unions, Sound advice to 539 

Maryland's educational test not unjust 445 

Monopoly in steel manufacture, No 54 

Monroe doctrine and Cuban independence 249 

Minneapolis primary law, Extending the 353 

Minnesota, Popular nominations law in .... 250 

Music in the workshop 6 1 

Negro, Organized labor and the 443 

New York Central's enlightened labor policy 446 


Nominations, First step towards direct 35 1 

Odell, Governor, a disappointment 249 

Odellaftera "record" 160 

Odell, Plattand 353 

Odell, not Platt, is governor 63 

Panic, Cause of the 1893 . 62 

Philippines, " Exports" to the 137 

Pope Leo on socialism 252 

Protection vs, paternalism 59 

Race problem, Fair questions on 357 

Reform, Insincere critics of wholesome 157 

" Ripper " bill, The infamous 353 

Sanger, The case of Colonel 356 

Schwab, Carnegie vs 539 

Schwab's stale criticism of labor unions 54 1 

Socialism, Ha verhill rejects 60 

Socialist propaganda, Growth of 35^ 

Southern " generosity" to labor 445 

South, No segregation for the 251 

Steel manufacture, No monopoly in 54 

Steel strike settled 441 

Strike, Why the workingmen 54 * 

Tammany succeeds, Why 444 

Tammany, Union against 54 

Ecole Libre in Paris, The, Leon Mead 543 

England, Some Cooperative Men and Things in 

N. P. Oilman 403 

Electrical Development, George Styles 151 

Government Ownership of Quasi- Public Corpora- 
tions, Edwin R. A. Scligman 503 

Historic Changes in the Character of Interest, 

The Editor 516 

Insecurity, The Uses of, Leonora B. Halsted .... 449 
Jamaica: Has Jamaica Solved the Color Problem? 

Julius Moritzen 3 1 



Annexation policy, An old soldier on ............ $6 1 

Commendation, A word of .............. ... 

Conciseness appreciated .................. 373 

Economics in a great labor organization, Sound ...... 2/1 

Fairness in discussion ................... 5 6 

Government, The peril of popular ............. 4^4 

Jamaica color problem, Mr. Washington on ........ 464 

Labor's needs, Organized ................. 373 

National duty, present and future ............. 5 5 & 

Nominations by petition, Popular ............. 4^3 

Our right to govern .................... 463 

Pan- American exposition, Ethnology at the ........ 79 

Philippine policy, Our .................. I/I 

Problem of the hour, The great .............. 560 

Sentiments that are appreciated .............. I/I 

Magazines, Extracts from, (Jan.) 95, (Feb.) 191, 

(Mar.) 287, (Apr.) 383, (May) 479, (June) 575 

Municipal Politics, The Editor ............. 47 

Negro Education, New Orleans and, The Editor 66 

Negro in Business, The, Booker T. Washington 209 
New Books of Interest, (Jan.) 89, (Feb.) 189, (Mar.) 

285, (Apr.) 382. (May) 477, (June) ....... 574 

Private Philanthropies, One of Miss Gould's, 

C. B. Todd 71 

Party Degeneracy, The Editor ............. 414 


American municipal government, European and ...... 175 

Anti-Tammany campaign, The .............. 84 

British empire, Future of the ............... 173 

Civilization decaying? Is ................. 82 

Cleveland and Toledo elections, Meaning of ........ 467 

Corporations and government aid ............. 5 62 

Corruption and popular nominations ............ 565 


Corruption versus education 273 

Cuba, Our duty to 465 

Democratic party, Future of 8 1 

Depressions; How will depressions be eliminated? 178 

English borough and county franchise 375 

European and American municipal government 175 

Expansion, Prosperity or 4^5 

Government aid, Corporations and $62 

Labor laws, New York 277 

New York city politics, now and in 1897 176 

Prosperity or expansion 4^5 

Ross, Professor, Case of 37^ 

Socialism's defeats and prospects 173 

Socialistic discussion 275 

Southern representation in congress 85 

Steel combination, The giant 2 74 

Steel "trust" and independent producers 

Toledo and Cleveland elections, Meaning of 

Wealth a social fact 563 

Republic, A New, The Editor 29 


Aguinaldo, Capture of 393 

Albany's street railway strike 488 

Annexation, the danger of 293 

Attorney general, The new .... 493 

British policy outlined 9 

Canal treaty, The 16 

Centennial, The Washington I 

Charter revision, New York city 39! 

Chinese situation 5, 98, 196, 300, 399, 400 

Clayton- Bui wer treaty, Abrogate the 17 

Coal strike forestalled 386 

Congressional reapportionment 206 

Congress, First work of 14 


Congress, The independence proposal in 2OI 

Constitutional question, The great 103 

Cuban independence 292 

Cuba's new constitution 203 

De Wet, The pursuit of 7 

Edward VII., Accession of 193 

Election, Some details of the November II 

Funston's exploit, Moral aspect of 394 

Harrison, Benjamin, Death of 303 

Hawaiian elections 172 

Inaugural, President McKinley's 290 

Kruger's European mission 9 

Labor organization, Status of .^American 4 

Labor, Crucial time for 385 

Machinists' struggle for nine hours 485 

Municipal campaign, New York's 491 

Odell's doubtful statesmanship, Governor 114 

Paris exposition, The 5 

Philippine Problem 99, IOI, 199, 291, 397 

President's message, The 12 

Protest, A word of 197 

Public, the law, and the speculators 483 

Queen Victoria, Death of 97 

Railroad deals, The great IO6 

Railroad strike averted 387 

Ramapo charter repealed 390 

Reform efforts in New York city Ill 

Revenue reduction bill 14 

Russia, Tariff complications with 296 

Russia in Manchuria 298 

" Second term " in American politics 289 

South African situation 194, 398 

Steel strike, Reinstatement ends 3^8 

Steel corporation, The giant 3 O1 

Stock market panic 48 1 


Strike, Albany's street railway 488 

Strike averted, Important railroad 387 

Tariff complications with Russia 296 

Trusts, Present status of IOS 

" Trust " growth, A permanent limitation to IIO 

Wage conditions, Progress in 2 

War tax reduction 295 

Washington centennial, The I 

"Ruskin Hall" Movement, The 163 

Russia's Blow at American Commerce, 

Romney Wheelock 432 
South, Industrial Awakening of the, 

Leonora Beck Ellis 527 

Speculation An Incident in National Develop- 
ment, Joseph Weare 142 

Statesmanship, Un American, The Editor 243 

Strikes and Lockouts in North Carolina, 

Jerome Dow d 136 

Tariff Enforcement, Discreditable, The Editor . . . 345 

Trade Routes and Civilization, Jacques W. Redivay 508 

"Trusts "and Business Stability, The Editor. . . 117 
Tuskegee Negro Conference as an Educational 

Force, Max Bennett Thrasher 359 

Uses of Insecurity, The, Leonora B. Halsted .... 449 

Victoria and Her Remarkable Reign, The Editor 220 

Wars of Wall Street, The, The Editor 495 

Woman Suffrage Question, Some Scientific Aspects 

of the, Mrs. Mary K. Sedgwick 333 



Review of the Month i 

The Australian Commonwealth, William Francis Schey 19 

A New Republic, The Editor 29 

Has Jamaica Solved the Color Problem 1 Julius Moritzen 31 

Municipal Politics, The Editor 47 

Editorial Crucible 59 

New Orleans and Negro Education 66 

One of Miss Gould's Private Philanthropies, Charles Burr Todd. 71 

Civic and Educational Notes 74 

Letters from Correspondents 79 

Question Box 81 

Book Reviews 89 

From December Magazines 95 


Review of the Month 97 

" Trusts " and Business Stability, The Editor 117 

Chinese Civilization, Archer B. Hulbert 127 

Strikes and Lockouts in North Carolina, Jerome Dowd 136 

Speculation An Incident in National Development, Joseph Weare 142 

Editorial Crucible 156 

The Ruskin Hall" Movement 163 

Civic and Educational Notes 168 

Letters from Correspondents 171 

Question Box 173 

Book Reviews , . . . 180 

From December Magazines 191 


Review of the Month. , 193 

The Negro in Business, Booker T. Washington 209 

Victoria and Her Remarkable Reign, The Editor 220 

The Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen, D. L: Cease 235 

Unamerican Statesmanship, The Editor 243 

Editorial Crucible 249 

Our Educational Responsibility in Cuba, Leonora Beck Ellis. . . 250 

Civic and Educational Notes 267 

Letters from Correspondents 271 

Question Box 273 

Book Reviews 279 

From February Magazines 287 


Review of the Month 289 

Government Ownership of Quasi- Public Corporations, Edwin R. A. 

Seligman 35 

Doom of the Dictator, The Editor 323 

Some Scientific Aspects of the Woman Suffrage Question, Mrs. 

Mary K. Sedgwick 333 

Discreditable Tariff Enforcement, The Editor 345 

Direct Nominations by Petition : Some Noteworthy Expressions . . 349 

Editorial Crucible 353 

The Tuskegee Negro Conference as an Educational Force, Max 

Bennett Thrasher , 359 

Civic and Educational Notes 367 

Letters from Correspondents 373 

Question Box 375 

Book Reviews 378 

From March Magazines 383 


Review of the month 385 

Some Cooperative Men and Things in England, Nicholas Paine 

Oilman 403 

Party Degeneracy, The Editor 414 

The Billion-Dollar Corporation 421 

Democracy and National Authority, 7 he Editor 425 

Russia's Blow at American Commerce, Romney Wheelock .... 432 

Editorial Crucible 441 

The Uses of Insecurity, Leonora B. Halsted 449 

Civic and Educational Notes 459 

Letters from Correspondents 463 

Question Box 465 

Book Reviews 469 

From April Magazines 479 


Review of the Month 481 

The Wars of Wall Street, The Editor 495 

Trade Routes and Civilization, Jacques W. Redway 508 

Historic Changes in the Character of Interest, The Editor .... 516 

Industrial Awakening of the South, Leonora Beck Ellis 527 

Editorial Crucible . 537 

The cole Libre in Paris, Leon Mead 543 

Civic and Educational Notes 553 

Letters from Correspondents 55 8 

Question Box 5 6 2 

Book Reviews 568 

From May Magazines .575 

Labor Commissioner of New South Wales 

See page 



On December i2th the city of Washing- 
ton celebrated its one-hundredth anni- 
versary as the capital of the nation. Just 
a century ago the seat of government was removed 
from Philadelphia to the new site on the banks of the 
Potomac. The centennial, observed by a reception at 
the white house to the governors of some twenty-four 
states, a military parade, and formal exercises by the 
senate and house of representatives in joint session, fur- 
nished a fitting occasion for reviewing the marvelous 
progress of the nation, typified in part by the transfor- 
mation of the capital city itself from practically a wil- 
derness in 1800 to one of the most artistically beautiful 
and politically influential centers of civilization in the 

The close of the nineteenth century is as 
Growth of natural a time for retrospect and com- 

the Nation . ,, . - ,, ,. ,, 

parison as the opening of the twentieth 
is for planning and prophecy. Far more than ordinary 
interest, therefore, attaches to the results of the twelfth 
census. It serves as a basis not only for noting the 
percentage of increase during a decade, but for centen- 
nial comparisons of the utmost significance. The total 
population in 1900 is 76,295,220; in 1890 it was 62,- 
622,250; an increase of 22 per cent. During the pre- 



vious decade, 1880 to 1890, the percentage of increase 
was 24.86. Our population in 1800 was 5,308,483; the 
increase during the century being 1 340 per cent. Our 
national territory has increased during the same period 
from 909,050 to 3,846,595 square miles. The sixteen 
states that formed the federal union in 1800 have in- 
creased to forty- five, with the territories of New Mexico, 
Arizona, Oklahoma and Indian territory, also Alaska, 
Hawaii, Porto Rico, the Philippines, and several scat- 
tered Pacific islands, in addition. 

It is interesting to compare this growth of popula- 
tion with that of some of the principal European coun- 
tries during the century. In 1800 the population of 
Great Britain and Ireland was 15,570,000, now it is 
about 37,000,000; France in 1800, 27,720,000, now about 
38,000,000; Germany in 1800, 22,330,000, now about 
46,000,000; Austria- Hungary in 1800, 21,230,000, now 
about 41,000,000. In other words, the population of 
Great Britain and Ireland has increased about two and 
a half times, of France about one-third ; Germany and 
Austria- Hungary have about doubled, while the popu- 
lation of the United States has increased almost fifteen 

Analyzing the details of the census, New York 
state still remains in the lead, the population being 
7,268,009; in 1890 it was 5,997,853. Pennsylvania is 
second with 6,301,365, as compared with 5,258,014 in 
1890. Illinois is in third place, as in 1890, the popula- 
tion having increased from 3,826,351^4,821,550. Ohio 
has increased from 3,672,316 to 4,157,545, and Missouri 
from 2,679, 184 to 3,107,117. These states retain the 
same relative rank as in 1890, but Texas now takes the 
place of Massachusetts as sixth in size. The population 
of Texas has increased from 2,235,523 to 3,048,828; 
that of Massachusetts from 2,238,943 to 2,805,346. Al- 
though Massachusetts thus falls behind Texas, the rate 


of increase in the Bay State is larger than that for the 
whole country and indicates that the westward trend of 
population, while it does not actually diminish, is not 
depleting the East. Indeed, there are many evidences 
that the growth of manufactures and use of more scien- 
tific methods of agriculture in the East is producing a 
marked decline in the tendency of native Americans to 
migrate to the West, and stopping the multiplication of 
New England abandoned farms. 

Of course, however, the most rapid rates of increase 
are in the far western states, although the growth in 
actual numbers is relatively small. Nevada is the only 
state in the union which shows a decline in population. 
This state contained 45,761 people in 1890 and only 
42,334 in 1900; a population less than that of the city 
of Yonkers, New York, although represented in the 
national councils by one congressman and two senators. 

Although the census statistics of wealth, 
industries and labor are not yet complete, 
other investigations and sources of infor- 
mation testify to a highly gratifying progress during 
the decade just ended, a progress which would have 
been far more impressive but for the severe industrial 
depression from 1893 to 1897. United States Labor 
Commissioner Carroll D. Wright has recently investi- 
gated the average wages for the country and finds a 
general increase since 1891 of 3.43 per cent. In many 
industries the increase has been more like 20 to 30 per 
cent., but Commissioner Wright's average is for the 
whole country. In considering its apparent smallness 
it must be remembered that only last year, 1899, did 
wages recover sufficiently from the period of depression 
to equal the rates of 1892. The seven years from 1893 
to 1899 were an arbitrary interruption and period of 
stagnation in what might have been a normal and 


healthy forward movement in labor conditions. The 
significant consideration to-day is not so much the 
literal amount of increase since 1890 as it is the 
fact that a satisfactory rate of progress has at last been 

Status of Even more significant than the actual 

American Labor wage progress is the increasing extent, 
Organization influence and economic good sense of the 
organized labor movement in this country. The best 
general representation of this movement is the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor, whose membership includes 
unions in practically all the most important trades in 
the country. The federation apparently was never in 
a more flourishing and healthy condition. According 
to the December number of the A merican Federationist, 

"... has now affiliated to it no less than 82 national and international 
unions, with 9,494 subordinate local unions, having an aggregate mem- 
bership of 804,050. In addition to these before-mentioned general unions 
there are at present date of writing 1,051 independent chartered local 
unions having 79,150 members, making a total of 10,545 unions with a 
membership of 883,200. These figures are exclusive of the membership 
indirectly affiliated through the medium of the central labor unions of 
205 cities and 16 state federations of labor. Thus it would be safe to 
conclude that the grand total membership of our organization approxi- 
mates one million members in good standing, or nearly four-fifths of the 
entire known number of trade unionists on this continent. Each suc- 
ceeding year this immense mass becomes more closely knitted together 
and more clearly recognizes its mutual interdependence. With the 
establishment and growth of adequate protective and beneficial funds, 
the influence exercised by such a body will prove irresistible. " 

A membership of one million means that fully five 
millions of the American people are directly interested 
and involved in the labor organizations of the country, 
not counting the extra 20 per cent, in unassociated 
independent unions. Obviously, the few old-school 
doctrinaires who still want labor organizations abolished 
are to be classed permanently with the Mrs. Partingtons. 


The growing economic good sense of the organized 
labor movement could hardly have better evidence than 
the -unanimous reelection of Samuel Gompers as presi- 
dent of the federation, at its annual convention held in 
Louisville, Kentucky, early in December. Mr. Gom- 
pers' remarks in opening the convention reflected a 
point of view and spirit thoroughly appreciative of the 
proper economic position of labor organization in the 
industrial life of the nation. It contained no tinge of 
socialism, which it has so often been feared would cap- 
ture the trade-union movement in this country. 

The great world's fair held in Paris this 

The Paris r in ustra ted the climax of nineteenth- 


century progress as well as anything of 

a spectacular nature can illustrate achievements that 
have wrought their broadening influence into the very 
character -fibre of the nations. A formal exposition can 
portray the material and artistic side of the progress of 
civilization, but it can give only hints and suggestions 
f the profound psychological development that lies 
beneath the material surface ; it cannot put into statu- 
ary, paintings and machinery the expansion of individ- 
ual life, knowledge and character which is the real test 
of human advancement. 

But of those things which an exposition can illus- 
trate, the Paris fair was an elaborate and fairly com- 
prehensive representation. It cost more than the 
Chicago exposition of 1893, but it is doubtful if the 
showing was so vast or so well displayed. Many of the 
buildings, however, were erected of durable materials, 
and so, while costing much more, will remain as perma- 
nent architectural adornments of Paris. The attend- 
ance at the Paris exposition was more than fifty 
millions, or more than double that at the Chicago fair, 
but it is stated in explanation that the admission fees 


were reduced to practically insignificant sums, so that 
the actual gate receipts were probably less than at 
Chicago. The largest attendance at the Paris exposi- 
tion on any one day was 600,000, which was exceeded 
in 1893, on October gth, when 716,881 people attended 
the Chicago fair. 

The last year of the century has witnessed 
More Delay the beginning of what will ultimately 

in China . _ .._, . 

mean the complete opening up of China 
to western civilization, but the twentieth century will 
have come in before much progress is made in the set- 
tlement of the immediate terms of peace and reparation 
to Christendom for the Boxer outrages of last summer. 
It is now clear that negotiations are to proceed along 
more moderate lines than those laid down by Germany, 
and this change of attitude is generally attributed to 
the United States. Our state department submitted a 
note to the powers, late in November, suggesting com- 
promises in respect to the peace proposals that were 
then being urged ; and, apparently in response to these 
suggestions, an article, understood to have been inspired 
by the German government, appeared on November 
28th, in the Berliner Post, declaring that while 

". . . allthe powers are convinced that the ringleaders deserve death, . . . 
the question has been raised on various sides as to whether such a meas- 
ure should be insisted upon from the standpoint of political expediency. 
So far as Germany is concerned, she has never insisted upon the execu- 
tion of specific persons, but has repeatedly declared that she laid chief 
emphasis upon the harmonious action of all the powers in punishing the 
guilty. This attitude corresponds with the guiding principle of Ger- 
many's policy, which seeks, above all else, to preserve the harmony of 
the powers." 

Nevertheless, according to the general consensus 
of reports, Germany's troops in China are doing their 
best to embitter the Chinese and make settlement diffi- 
cult. Harassing expeditions, with the object of taking 
booty or punishing groups of Boxer offenders, are per- 


mitted if not literally ordered by Count von Waldersee. 
The latest of these, in which the French shared but 
afterwards desisted, is the confiscation and removal of 
the elaborate astronomical instruments from the Peking 
observatory. General Chaffee protested against this so 
vigorously that von Waldersee returned his note un- 
recognized, as a breach of official etiquette. Perhaps 
it was somewhat brusque, but the American people 
will feel that here was a case where politeness was 
more honored in the breach than in the observance. 
General Chaffee's conduct of American military opera- 
tions in China thus far has been eminently satisfactory. 
Rigid discipline is maintained among our troops and, 
during the prolonged period of looting after the capture 
of Peking, our men were strictly ordered to take no 
part in the depredations. Presumably there were 
violations of the rule, but they seem not to have been 
numerous or serious. 

As the situation now stands, formal negotiations 
between the foreign ministers and the Chinese govern- 
ment, represented by Li Hung Chang and Prince 
Ching, are likely to begin within a very few days. 
The terms finally agreed upon are understood to be 
practically those proposed by Germany, summarized in 
our December number, with a modification of the 
demand for execution of specific persons and also some 
modification in the indemnity requirements. All the 
ministers except Great Britain's representative have 
been instructed to sign the agreement for submission of 
these terms to China. Just what further alteration, if 
any, England means to suggest before negotiations 
proceed, is at present an enigma. 

If one cannot admire the good judgment, 
The Pursuit ., . . 

of De Wet xt 1S lm possible not to admire at least the 

valor and strategic skill of the few Boer 
detachments that are still resisting British arms in 


South Africa. Lord Roberts being on his way home to 
England, General Kitchener has succeeded him in chief 
command. This is understood to mean, and doubtless 
does mean, the end of leniency in dealing with the 
Boers. British sentiment has been intensified in favor 
of rigorous measures by the discovery of a plot, in 
Johannesburg, in which a number of Italians, Greeks 
and Frenchmen were implicated, to assassinate Lord 
Roberts by blowing up St. Mark's church during service 
on Sunday, November 1 8th. It is thoroughly realized 
now that only rigorous measures can prevent these sub- 
terranean methods of prolonging the useless struggle. 
General De Wet scored another brilliant success on 
November the 23d by capturing the British garrison of 
Dewetsdorp, consisting of 400 men and two guns. 
Lord Roberts' dispatch reporting the occurrence states 
that De Wet's force numbered 2,500 men, showing that 
where De Wet is, at least, the struggle has not quite 
degenerated to the guerilla stage. Dewetsdorp is in 
the southern part of the Orange River Colony, and only 
the prompt action of General Knox prevented a raid 
into Cape Colony. Knox succeeded in driving De Wet 
back to the north, but the wily Boer has thus far 
evaded capture. Since then, two more serious blows have 
been inflicted upon the British. Four companies of 
General Clement's fusileers, numbering more than 500 
men, were captured on December isth, near Krugers- 
dorp, in the Transvaal, and on the same day a force of 
1 20 cavalrymen was taken near Zastron, in the Orange 
River Colony. Serious as these reverses are, the Boers 
are apparently unable to follow up the advantage, but 
are compelled to release prisoners as fast as they are 
taken. These exploits are tributes to brilliant general- 
ship, but their only real significance is that the war will 
have to be brought to an end by the slow wearing out 
of the resisting powers of De Wet's diminishing army. 


Meanwhile, ex- President Kruger has 
served as a rallying-point of French 
animosity to England, and incidentally 
learned for a certainty that he has nothing to hope for 
in the way of European aid to his cause. Mr. Kruger 
landed at Marseilles on November 22nd, proceeded to 
Paris on the 23rd, thence, after a weeks' stay, to 
Cologne on December 2nd, and to the Hague, capital of 
Holland, on the 6th. In France he was everywhere 
received as a popular hero and the French senate voted 
him unanimously an expression of sympathy. This 
was the full extent, however, to which France gave the 
cooperation Kruger had virtually asked for in his 
speech at Marseilles. In Holland the practical results 
of his visit have been equally meager. The Dutch 
people gave him an enthusiastic welcome, and the 
Dutch government officially declared its sympathy but 
declined to take the lead in any movement to secure 
arbitration between Great Britain and the Transvaal. 
As for Germany, Emperor William let it be known that 
he would decline to receive Kruger, and therefore the 
Boer ex-president abandoned his proposed visit to 
Berlin. He is now expected to take up a permanent 
residence in Holland, and will cease to figure in world 

Naturally, the sessions of the British 

British Policy , . . , _ 

Outlined parliament, which convened on Decem- 

ber 4th and has just adjourned for the 
holidays, were almost exclusively occupied with the 
discussion of South African affairs. The liberals, at 
the very outset, directed an intensely bitter attack on 
Joseph Chamberlain, not only on the score of his prac- 
tical sponsorship for the South African war but accusing 
him of personal dishonesty both in the parliamentary 
campaign and in connection with financial interests 


involved in the war. Seldom has parliament witnessed 
a more impressive change in the drift of sentiment than 
occurred when the colonial secretary's turn came to 
make his defence. Denial of the charges against his 
personal integrity was to be expected, of course, but 
the thing which seems practically to have destroyed the 
liberal opposition was his statement of the govern- 
ment's plans for dealing with the Transvaal and Orange 
River colonies. These he explained in detail in the 
house of commons on December 7th, summarizing the 
three objects of the government as follows : 

" First To end the guerilla war. It would not surprise him if the 
Boers had destroyed more farms than the English. Never in history 
had a war been waged with so much humanity. The women had only 
been deported for their protection. The native population was answer- 
able for the acts of proved outrage of women and children, and it 
had been shown that in no case had a British soldier been justly ac- 
cused. The farm burning was greatly exaggerated. Lord Roberts had 
only sanctioned the burning of farms as punishment in cases of com- 
plicity in the rebellion, or damage done to the railroads. The govern- 
ment sustained Lord Roberts absolutely. The government was bound 
to leave large discretion to the military. 

" The second object was that when pacification was accomplished a 
crown government would be instituted. 

"The third object was ultimate self-government." 

In pursuance of this program it is proposed to 
institute civil government at the earliest possible mo- 
ment, giving the preference to Afrikanders in the civil 
offices as far as practicable, and guaranteeing equal 
rights and liberties to every man, Boer or Englishman. 
The expense of the war will be met by taxation in South 
Africa, since it was for the benefit of the Uitlanders 
that the struggle was undertaken. These propositions 
were even cheered from the liberal benches, and Sir 
Henry Campbell- Bannerman, who had been the most 
vindictive of all in his attacks on Mr. Chamberlain, 
formally withdrew the liberal opposition. Of course, 
the British government cannot begin to carry out these 


plans until the Boers give up the struggle. Their 
resistance could be understood so long as there was the 
least chance of success, but in the present situation it 
means simply the perpetuation of misery and desola- 
tion and fruitless delaying of the peaceful regeneration 
of the country. 

Some Details of The figures of the popular vote for presi- 
the November dent, with the exception of minor candi- 
Election dates, are at last practically complete and 

show a popular plurality for President McKinley of 
847,897. This is an increase of 246,025 over his plu- 
rality in 1896. Mr. McKinley 's total vote was 158,487 
larger and Mr. Bryan's 87,538 smaller than in 1896. 

It appears from the returns that the bulk of this 
republican gain comes from increased pluralities in the 
West and a decreased Bryan vote in the South. In the 
East the republican pluralities were generally lower, 
especially in New York (268,469 in 1896, 145,143 in 
1900) and Massachusetts (173,265 in 1896, 82,988 in 
1900.) In the middle West there was a substantial in- 
crease, except in Illinois, which gave President McKin- 
ley a plurality of 95,990 as compared with 142,498 in 
1896. The republican plurality in 1900 in Nebraska 
was 7,372 ; in Kansas, 25,843 ; in South Dakota, 21,000; 
in Wyoming, 4,381 ; in Washington, 12,613; i n Utah, 
2,140. All of these states were carried by Bryan in 

In the South the results are equally significant, 
and, but for the fact that they are based on a general 
decrease in the total vote cast, indicating wholesale 
neglect of the suffrage privilege, would be some indi- 
cation of more wholesome political tendencies through- 
out that section. Bryan's plurality was less in 1900 
than 1896, in Alabama by 32,871 ; in Florida by 940 ; 
in Mississippi by 12,776; in Louisiana by 17,974; in 


Arkansas by 36,149; in Tennessee by 3,024; in South 
Carolina by 6,585. It was larger than in 1896, in Geor- 
gia by 12,524; in North Carolina by 5,473 ; in Virginia 
by 10,874. The net falling off in the Bryan plurality 
in all these states is 114,562. If Missouri and Ken- 
tucky be counted in, the total falling off is 117,231; 
Bryan's plurality in Missouri was 10,907 less than in 
1896, but in Kentucky he won by 7,957, as against a 
republican plurality of 281 in 1896. 

President McKinley's message to the 

The President's , \, 

Message second session of the 56th congress, 

which convened on December 3rd, pos- 
sessed two at least of the most familiar characteristics 
of Mr. McKinley's state papers extraordinary length 
and comparative dearth of positive recommendations 
for the guidance of national policy. It is chiefly an ex- 
haustive historical review of the problems that have 
confronted the administration during the past year and 
the way it has dealt with them, and a statement of the 
existing conditions at home and abroad. A large part 
of the message is devoted to the Chinese situation, and 
the familiar lines of our policy are again stated, pun- 
ishment of Boxer leaders, indemnity for losses suffered, 
guarantees of trade privileges and opposition to dis- 
memberment of the empire. 

A suggestion that ought by all means to be 
promptly and favorably acted upon is that provision be 
made for handling through the federal courts instead of 
through state courts all cases of outrages committed 
against aliens within the United States. The inability 
of the national government to guarantee any satisfac- 
tion to foreign governments in cases such as the anti- 
Italian outbreaks in Louisiana is an absurd anomaly. 
Nothing like it exists in any other country, and it has 
been and will be a fruitful source of misunderstanding 


and ill-feeling whenever disputes of this sort come up 
for settlement. 

Reference is made to the growth of our foreign 
trade, the increase in national banks under the currency 
law of 1900, and the saving in interest on the national 
debt through the refunding of bonds provided for in 
that measure. Reduction of the war taxes by thirty 
million dollars per annum is recommended. Little is 
suggested as to the Philippines except continuation 
along the lines already being pursued. The Taft com- 
mission is apparently the rock to which the president's 
faith is anchored, and, if only the Filipinos could be 
made to see the beneficence of Mr. McKinley's program 
of civilization as clearly as Mr. McKinley himself sees 
it, not another shot would be fired. Evidently the 
president does not expect the last shot to be fired for a 
long while, since he recommends increasing the stand- 
ing army to 60,000 men, with authority to raise it to 
100,000 when necessary, and endorses Secretary Long's 
request for an enlarged navy. The encouragement of 
American shipping is urged, although no specific meas- 
ure is endorsed, and there is the familiar suggestion 
for legislation in control of injurious combinations in 
restraint of trade. The message closes with a recom- 
mendation of economy in public expenditures. 

The tone of the document as a whole is optimistic, 
and with good reason. The nation enters upon the 
twentieth century under circumstances of extraordinary 
prosperity and promise, backed by more than one hun- 
dred years of experience with self-government along 
lines which in 1800 were purely experimental, dis- 
trusted everywhere outside of the United States, and 
not even commanding full confidence here at home. 
We are standing upon broader and firmer foundations 
to-day, but it would be a fatal mistake to assume that 
even now we can afford to make grave departures in 


policy from the fundamental principles upon which our 
national existence is based. 

Congress lost no time in getting: to work 

The First Work . * . 

of Congress upon measures of sufficient importance to 

center the attention of the country upon 
Washington. In the senate, discussion was begun 
almost immediately on the Nicaragua canal treaty and 
the ship subsidy bill ; in the house, on the revenue re- 
duction and army reorganization measures. The latter, 
providing for an army of 60,000 for the immediate 
future, with authority to increase it to 100,000 if neces- 
sary, passed the house on December 6th by an almost 
strict party vote of 166 to 133. The ship subsidy bill 
has been extensively and warmly debated already, its 
principal defenders being Senators Frye and Hanna, 
but its prospects are dubious in spite of the large re- 
publican majority in the senate. The proposition to 
spend $9,000,000 a year for twenty years in direct 
bounties paid out of the treasury, a total of $180,000,- 
ooo, so distributed that there is little reason to believe 
that any important new shipbuilding establishments 
would be called into existence, is so obviously no part 
of recognized republican policy that senators are de- 
clining to divide along party lines for and against the 
bill. A measure providing for shipping protection by 
an additional ten per cent, duty on all goods imported 
in foreign vessels would be strictly in accordance with 
sound protective policy and involve no drain on the 
national treasury, but this proposition apparently must 
wait until the subsidy scheme has been definitely put 

Chairman Payne of the ways and means 
The Avenue committee introduced the revenue reduc- 

Reduction Bill 

tion bill in the house on December 5th, 
and followed it next day with a report showing the rea- 


sons for the specific lines of reduction proposed. The 
rule adopted in preparing the measure, according to 
Chairman Payne, was ' to remove the more annoying 
taxes in the war revenue act by the entire abolition of 
those which were most vexatious and by a reduction of 
those which seemed to have proved a great burden upon 
the several branches of trade to which they are applied." 
In other words, the object is to remove as far as possi- 
ble the more offensive features of an always offensive 
system of direct taxation, and the extent to which this 
has been accomplished the bill deserves hearty com- 

Some of the most important proposed reductions 
are: on beer, from $2.85 to $2.60 per barrel ; on cigars, 
from $3.60 to $3 per thousand; and entire abolition of 
the taxes on bequests to religious, charitable, literary 
or educational institutions, taxes on commercial and 
custom-house brokers, circuses and theaters, and the 
stamp taxes on proprietary medicines, perfumes, cos- 
metics, etc., also those on bank checks, certificates of 
deposit, postal money orders, express receipts, tele- 
graph messages, deeds, insurance policies, leases, notes 
and mortgages. The most important taxes retained, in 
whole or in part, are those on beer and tobacco, wines, 
legacies, bankers, stock brokers, and the stamp taxes on 
stock and bonds of corporations, stock exchange sales, 
freight receipts, certificates of profit, and custom-house 
and warehouse entries. 

The reductions are expected to cut off about $40,- 
000,000 of revenue per annum, and those retained it is 
believed will yield $65,000,000; so that the reductions 
amount to about 38 per cent, of the total amount of the 
special war taxes. Considering that the treasury sur- 
plus for the year ending June 3oth last was something 
over $79,000,000, and that the estimated surplus for the 
current year is $80,000,000, and for the year ending 


June soth, 1902, is about $26,000,000, by which time it 
is to be hoped there can be a substantial reduction in 
our military expenditures, the cutting off of $40,000,000 
now seems to be amply justified. The proposed meas- 
ure seems to have been prepared with unusually intel- 
ligent appreciation of scientific principles of taxation. 
Some effort will undoubtedly be made to reduce the 
customs tariff revenues and preserve the war taxes, but 
there is no popular support of this left-handed rein- 
troduction of free-trade policy. The proposition at 
present has only an academic interest. 

President McKinley sent to the senate 
Treaty* on December 4th the report of the isth- 

mian canal commission, of which Rear- 
Admiral Walker is the head. This report summarizes 
the advantages and disadvantages of the Nicaragua and 
Panama routes, and declares in favor of the former, 
although the estimated cost of the Nicaragua canal as 
surveyed by the commission is $200,540,000, while the 
amount required to complete the Panama enterprise is 
only $142,342,579. The principal advantage of the 
Nicaragua route is the shorter journey it would make 
possible between the east and the west coasts of the 
United States; the principal disadvantage of the 
Panama canal is the existence of French and Colombian 
financial interests and rights of ownership which would 
prevent proper control of the undertaking by the United 

The report is regarded as practically disposing of 
the Panama project so far as the United States is con- 
cerned, unless the outcome of the senate's action on the 
Hay-Pauncefote treaty between the United States and 
Great Britain should be an indefinite delay and blocking 
of the Nicaragua enterprise. It will be remembered 
that this treaty, which was sent to the senate on the 5th 

1 9 oi.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 17 

of last February, provides for a neutral canal, free and 
open in war and peace to vessels of commerce and war 
of all nations, with no fortifications erected to command 
the canal or adjacent waters. This proposed neutral- 
ization of the canal is in recognition of the neutrality 
agreement embodied in the Clayton-Bulwer treaty with 
England, made in 1850; but the senate has chosen 
practically to disregard this by adopting, on December 
1 3th, by a majority of 65 to 17, the amendment intro- 
duced during the last session by Senator Davis, provid- 
ing that the neutralization sections of the treaty should 
not " apply to measures which the United States may 
find it necessary to take for securing by its own forces 
the defence of the United States and the maintenance 
of public order." Other amendments are now pro- 
posed, declaring definitely that the Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty is superseded and striking out the provision 
which requires England and the United States, after 
concluding the new treaty, to bring it to the notice of 
the other powers and invite them to adhere to it. 

Abrogate the Whatever policy is finally adopted as to 
Clayton-Bulwer the canal proposition, it is apparent 
Treaty t h at t ^ e Clay ton- Bulwer treaty has long 

outlived its usefulness and remains only an exas- 
perating source of useless controversy. Probably the 
bulk of the sentiment in this country against neu- 
tralizing the canal has come from the impression that 
we are being forced to yield this point to England 
against our own best interests. If we had been entirely 
free to act as we chose, the importance of fortifications 
and exclusive control would certainly have seemed far 
less weighty ; we might even voluntarily have chosen 
the neutralization policy as safer in the long run, and 
less expensive. But for the controversy with England, 
the costly privilege of building forts and assuming the 


whole responsibility for protection of the canal would 
have seemed much less valuable. The common-sense 
fact would have been more obvious that no hostile fleet 
could ever traverse the canal, whether fortified or not. 
To enter it, such a fleet would first have to pass an 
American fleet massed at its mouth, and would then 
have to be guarded on both sides of the canal by an 
enormous military force to prevent land attacks, and, 
finally, to escape at the other end, the vessels would 
have to contend one by one with an American fleet in 
waiting. It would be a much more desperate under- 
taking than Admiral Cervera risked in getting out of 
Santiago harbor, since the Spaniards could at least come 
through the channel at a high rate of speed and so be 
ready for quick maneuvers, an impossibility in emerg- 
ing from a canal. 

It is intimated that Great Britain will not accept 
the amended treaty. If such proves the case, immediate 
steps should be taken to secure abrogation of the Clay- 
ton-Bulwer treaty, and, if this cannot be done by nego- 
tiation, then the treaty should be declared no longer 
binding upon our government. There is plenty of pre- 
cedent for such action, in cases where circumstances 
have so changed as to render treaties out of date and 
burdensome. In the present case there is no doubt that 
Great Britain long ago violated the Clayton- Bui wer 
treaty by obtaining control over certain territory adjoin- 
ing the canal region. Technically we have recognized 
the validity of the treaty since this violation, but we are 
in a position, morally at least, to revoke it if our inter- 
ests so require. With this stumbling-block out of the 
way, we can deal with the practical problem of the canal 
strictly on its merits, free from the distorting effects of 
anti- British prejudice and suspicion. 



On the first of January 1901, there will be formally 
inaugurated, with due solemnity and much ceremony, 
another federation of English-speaking people, which 
is destined to bulk largely in the coming years before 
the nations of the world. And its doings will be of 
much interest and great importance to the United 
States of America. On that date six British colonies 
who have hitherto been divided on many questions, 
who have maintained fiscal barriers one against the 
other, who have from time to time viewed each other 
with jealous eyes, and sedulously sought to draw each 
other's trade away and to minimize the power and im- 
portance of all their neighbors, will be welded in a firm 
and indissoluble union by one of those happy and busi- 
ness-like conjunctions which seem peculiarly adapted 
to the needs of the Anglo-Saxon race. 

From the first day of the new year, which is also 
the first day of the new century, Australia, inviolate in 
her sea-girt shores, will drop away the belittlement of 
merely colonies and become in deed and in truth an in- 
dependent nation in all but name. Still subject to the 
British crown in matters of imperial interest she will 
be sovereign and autonomous in all that concerns her- 
self. An island continent approximating in size the 





whole of Europe, and of area almost equal to the whole 
of the United States of America, with but little over 
three millions of people in all her borders, she will, if 
her statesmen be but wise, soon be the dominating 
factor of all the southern half of our great round world. 
A few facts concerning this new nation, this 
coming competitor, will be of interest to all thoughtful 
Americans. The areas of the federating states are : 


Area in Acres 

Area in Sq. Mis. 

New South Wales . . . 

198 848 ooo 

qiO 700 


c6 24 e ; 760 

87 88d 


427 8^8 O8O 

668 497 

South Australia 

578,361 6OO 


Western Australia 




16 778,000 


Australian Commonwealth .... 



The first settlement of Australia was commenced 
by Captain Arthur Philip, who landed at Botany Bay 
on January iQth, 1788, and formally took possession of 
the whole continent, which was proclaimed a colony 
under the name of New South Wales on February /th 
of the same year. The island of Tasmania, off the 
southeastern coast of Australia, was taken possession 
of by an expedition from Sydney, as the town first 
founded was called after a British statesman then in 
power, on September i2th, 1803. It was governed 
from Sydney till 1825, when it was proclaimed an inde- 
pendent province under the name of Van Dieman's 
Land, which name was subsequently changed to Tas- 
mania. About 1803 an attempt was made to settle the 
southeastern portion of Australia, and this subse- 
quently became the colony of Victoria which was 
separated from New South Wales in 1851. Swan River 
settlement, now Western Australia, was first settled by 
an expeditionary force from Sydney in 1826, and was 


made a separate colony on June ist, 1829. South 
Australia was first colonized in 1836 by immigrants sent 
from . England by a colonization company, and the 
colony was formally proclaimed on December 28th, 
J 836. Queensland, like Victoria, is an offshoot of New 
South Wales. In 1825 a convict establishment was 
formed at Moreton Bay, and in 1859 Queensland was 
proclaimed an independent state. 

Having thus briefly outlined the genesis of the six 
colonies now about to be federated I shall not stay to 
catalogue the numerous items of their progress, all of 
which may be found in the various statistical publica- 
tions. But it is worthy of note that the idea of union 
was almost coeval with that of separation, and while 
the enormous distances between the settlements ren- 
dered the latter both necessary and advisable, the idea 
of reunion was promulgated by the best of the colonists 
from the earliest times, and indeed our early annals 
contain many prophecies of the now consummated po- 
litical conjunction both in prose and verse. 

Probably the most radical difference between the 
colonies, and certainly the most lengthy, has been in 
their fiscal policies, which have varied from time to 
time according to the political necessities of each, but 
have always left the most striking contrast between the 
adjoining colonies of New South Wales and Victoria. 
Of course they all started very much on the same lines, 
specific duties on large items of consumption being 
levied on for revenue purposes. Generally speaking, 
these have been increased from time to time, and ad 
valorem duties added as exigency demanded, but little 
scientific principle seemed to underlie the various rates 
charged. Thus Tasmania raises by far the heaviest 
per capita customs taxation, over 20% average ad valorem 
on all imports, while Victoria, whose tariff is the most 
protectionist and the most scientific of all the states, 


only levies an average of between n and 12 per cent. 
It seems to have been accepted as a canon of taxation 
that raw materials required for local manufactures 
should not be taxed, but even this has been frequently 
departed from. The customs revenue generally is on 
the decline, attributable in the main to the fact that all 
the states except New South Wales have given some 
encouragement to native industry by means of customs 
duties and bonuses, and so, gradually, manufactures 
and producing interests generally have been developed, 
and have in some instances obtained a firm hold on 
Australian markets. Thus, with the exception of New 
South Wales, very little agricultural produce is im- 
ported, and locally-made goods in various classes are 
produced in sufficient quantity to equal the demand. 
The tariffs generally may be described thus: New 
South Wales, except for four years (1892 to 1895 inc.) 
of mainly ad valorem duties, generally free trade : Vic- 
toria for the last twenty- eight years, protectionist, many 
of her duties being specific and others ad valorem : 
South Australia and Queensland, a judicious mixture of 
protective and revenue duties, some of the latter having 
a protective incidence also ; and Western Australia and 
Tasmania, high revenue duties some of which of course 
are incidentally protective as well. 

On the proclamation of the commonwealth all the 
customs collections are to pass immediately to the fed- 
eral government to form its revenue, and the federal 
parliament is charged with the making of a federal 
tariff which it may set about at once, but must promul- 
gate within two years of the commencement of the 
federal authority. And already the din of battle is 
commencing. The first federal elections, which will 
take place early in the new year, will be almost exclu- 
sively dominated by the question of protection versus 
free trade, and both sides are now preparing as best 


they may for the greatest fiscal fight that has ever taken 
place on this continent. While the infant industries 
and their employees will range themselves under the 
banner of protection, the importers and foreign manu- 
facturers' agents are numerous and strong and are being 
assisted in everyway by money and otherwise by their 
principals in other parts of the world, notably in Great 
Britain and Germany. The issue ought not to be in 
doubt. It is a fight between patriotism and progress 
on the one hand, and selfishness and stagnation on the 
other. And only the apathy and cocksureness of the 
national party gives the foreign traders a chance. 

What a protectionist policy will mean to the Aus- 
tralian commonwealth may be estimated from the 
history of the United States. With a territory reaching 
so near to the equator as the tenth parallel of south 
latitude, high in the tropics, and stretching right down 
below 43 degrees south into the colder portion of the 
temperate zone, having a range of climate from the 
fervent tropic heat to that of the snowy mountains 
where snowshoe races are annually held, fires are re- 
quired during eight months of every year, and the 
mails are not infrequently stopped by winter snow 
storms, it will be seen at once that every vegetable 
product which can be furnished in any part of the world 
can be grown in some part of Australia just as well. 
With enormous mineral wealth of the most varied de- 
scription there is absolutely nothing that could be denied 
to a wise and industrious population. In short, within 
our borders is to be found every element of national 
greatness, and in a profusion unsurpassed in any 
country of the whole world. Rich gold fields, from 
which we have already extracted gold to the value of 
$1,750,000,000, are backed by the greatest silver mines 
known since the palmy days of Peru. From all corners 
come the rich ingots of copper which modern scientific 

24 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [January, 

development has raised almost to the rank of a royal 
metal. Our streams yield abundant tin of the best 
quality, while many of our mountains are built of iron 
and other ores. Side by side with this embryo steel 
run beds of limestone and great coal fields, the other 
necessary ingredients of a great iron and steel manu- 
facture. And this magnificent heritage of mineral 
wealth is amply supported by the quality of our lands, 
wherein huge tracts of the best sheep country to be 
found in any part of the world are interspersed with 
great areas of agricultural soils which can grow our 
every requirement in cereal or fruit; from oats and 
barley to sugarcane and coffee; from the apple and 
the gooseberry to oranges, pineapples and bananas. 

Yet with all this enormous mass of raw materials, 
our population is sparse and our manufactories few. 
Our minerals have fed people in every quarter of the 
globe, while the unemployed have cried to us in thou- 
sands in our own country. Our wool is sent away for 
manufacture, much of it not even scoured in the country 
of its production. Not a ton of steel has yet been made 
from native ores, and our copper and tin are sent abroad 
in ingots to return over the sea made up by alien 
laborers into all the various things of our daily need. 
Even much of the food we eat is still imported, while 
our coal has gone to feed the mills of America, India 
and Japan. 

But a change is at hand. The interstate barriers, 
which have isolated our people into small sections, are 
about to fall, and with a scientific policy, framed prob- 
ably on the lines which in the great republic of America 
produce revenue for the government, and foster and 
protect the industries of the people, the Australian 
commonwealth will increase in as great a ratio as its 
transoceanic friend and cousin. Our lands now idle, 
or merely running sheep on stations as large as English 


counties, and sometimes as many of them put together, 
will be made to blossom out with corn and wine. 

"Our own we love; others we do not hate, 
"But loving best our own we make their fate 

"Our first concern; 

' 'And, by the way we love our own dear land, 
"And, by the wisdom make to govern her, 
"We show the world the fruit of these is joy, 
"And so by precept lead all on to good; 
"Till truth omnipotent reigns everywhere, 
"And by his offsprings: justice, wisdom, love, 
"And by his grandchildren, joy and charity, 
"Makes tears more scarce than the most precious pearl, 
1 'And destitution quite a thing unknown ; 
"While sorrow only comes to guide those back 
"Who stray from wisdom's path; 
"And pain and hatred, like white-feathered crows, 
"Are very scarce indeed. 
' 'Thus you can see by loving best our own 
"Immediate friends, we best do serve the world." 

A mordant illustration of what such a policy will 
mean to our young nation was furnished a year or two 
ago by our railway commissioners, themselves pro- 
fessed free-traders but believing in good business 
through and through. They set out to show how much 
better it would be for the railways if our lands were 
used for agricultural pursuits instead of being confined 
to pastoral industries. They said : 

"The following rough estimate of the value to the 
railways of 10,000 acres of land under cultivation, as 
against 10,000 acres of land employed for running 
sheep, will strongly illustrate this point. A distance 
of 300 miles from Sydney has been adopted in each 

Agricultural Result 

"The average yield over the whole colony for the 
past three years has been 12 ^ bushels per acre: 



"Which gives 3,304 tons at $3.5o'per ton $11,564.00 

"Carriage of wheat bags 423.67 

"Machinery and implements of all kinds, 
binder twine, etc., materials for re- 
pairs, etc., 1,750.00 

"Rations, clothing, etc., for one man for 

every 100 acres 100 men .... 1,990.00 


"No allowance is made for families or for travel- 
ing upon the railways, which would be a fair additional 

"If the crops were reaped and the straw sent to 
market, a large additional revenue would result. 

Pastoral Result 

"Average of the whole colony gives one 
sheep to 2 1-5 acres n tons of wool, 
at $i 8 (5j Ibs. per sheep) .... $198.00 

"Increase of the flock to be reduced by 25 
per cent, each year by trucking to 
market or by boiling down, say 600 
sheep trucked and 525 boiled down 221.08 

"Woolpacks, rations for one man for 
every 4,000 sheep continuously, and 
two men for 14 days per 1,000 sheep 
at shearing time 33-25 


' 'In this instance a higher average is adopted for 
the stock sent by rail than is found to be the usual re- 
sult. No proper estimate can be arrived at in regard 
to materials for improvements required in the future, 
as the requirements in this respect will now be com- 
paratively small, owing to the majority of the runs 


having completed their fencing, etc., maintenance sup- 
plies only in future being required. Allowing $100 per 
annum for each 10,000 acres for material of this kind, 
an occasional wool press, etc., it gives a total revenue 
of $550 per 10,000 acres, as against $15,727 per 10,000 
acres under crop." 

Now agricultural settlement depends ultimately on 
being able to find a market for the produce, and the 
market depends on having population to eat up what is 
grown. And the population cannot eat unless it is em- 
ployed ; and to employ the people manufactures both 
numerous and varied must be founded and carried on. 
And only protection can give us these. 

Again, with the restricted market afforded by one 
colony only, there has never been sufficient inducement 
to invest capital in the manufacture of iron and steel on 
a commercial scale. But the inauguration of the 
commonwealth has changed all that. Already a Sie- 
mens' steel furnace has commenced, although working 
mainly on scrap, while one of our best citizens is now 
in England busily organizing a great company to work 
our rich deposits of which the government statistician 
says: "Every natural advantage possessed by the great 
iron and machine producing countries of the world 
such as England, America and Belgium is also present 
here. Not only are the iron and coal deposited in 
abundance, and in positions easily accessible and readily 
worked, but, as pointed out previously in this work 
(' Wealth and Progress of N. S. W.'), the local iron ore 
is exceedingly rich." And what is true of iron is true 
of copper, of tin, of silver, of lead, of zinc and of every 
metal or mineral commercially valuable. And so with 
our abundant wool, our easily grown cotton, and so on 
through all the long list of our wonderful resources. 

Protection will be to us the magician's wand which 
will set hammer to ring on anvil, make the wheels to 


revolve, the shuttles to whirr, and the hum of busy in- 
dustry to sound through all our land, covered with 
smiling fields and happy homes. 

Then indeed shall we take our place among the 
nations of the world, and, in the great world 
market, compete in friendly rivalry with even 
the great republic of the West. Then shall we 
found, not only the great and mighty nation (phrase 
beloved of post-prandial orators), but establish within 
our borders the most desired and desirable thing on 
earth, a prosperous, a happy and a contented people. 
Then may we realize the pregnant words of Went- 
worth, who, with prophetic glance, wrote some fifty 
years ago : 

"And, oh Britannia! Shouldst thou cease to ride 

"Despotic Empress of old Ocean's tide: 

"Should thy tamed lion spent his former might 

"No longer roar, the terror of the fight: 

"Should e'er arrive that dark, disastrous hour, 

"When bowed by luxury, thou yield'st to power; 

' 'When thou no longer freest of the free, 

"To some proud victor bend'st the vanquished knee: 

"May all thy glories in another sphere 

"Relume, and shine more brightly still than here: 

"May this, thy last born infant then arise 

"To glad thy heart, and greet thy parent eyes; 

"And Australasia float, with flag unfurl' d, 

' 'A new Britannia in another world ! " 


The new federation of the Australian colonies con- 
stitutes essentially a new republic. The link that still 
connects it with Great Britain is formal and perfunc- 
tory, and does not affect the internal affairs of the 
commonwealth. Australia is in many respects similar 
to the United States. It has hitherto consisted of six 
British colonies which, like the early colonies in this 
country, have been extremely jealous of each other and 
always on guard to protect their own rights, political as 
well as industrial. The progress in Australia has been 
exceptionally great, in many respects no less extraor- 
dinary than the progress in this country. The spirit 
and principle of democracy have pervaded the entire 
political structure of all the colonies, and their practical 
advantages in self-government have been well-nigh 

In the industrial development of Australia, the 
influence of the United States and of England have been 
perceptible. New South Wales followed closely the 
English idea- of economic policy and adopted free trade. 
Victoria was more influenced by the American idea and 
adopted protection. In labor legislation the English 
influence and example have been very great. The 
eight-hour system has long been an established fact in 
Australia, in which it may be said to have led the 
world. Wages in Australia have been higher than in 
any other country ; in this respect surpassing even the 
United States, although doubtless representing a some- 
what smaller purchasing power per dollar. 

High wages and short hours always mean political 
and economic progress. It is not surprising, therefore, 
to find that the progress of Australia towards political 
democracy, advanced forms of individual freedom and 



intelligent public policy, has been marked, constructive 
and rational. Under such influences integrating forces 
naturally operate. Accordingly, with the close of the 
nineteenth century we find this community of English 
colonies blooming forth into an integrated common- 
wealth under a truly democratic form of government 
and constitution. Happily, this consummation has 
been brought about not by war or revolution but by 
industrial development and natural political evolution. 
The labor movement has had its wholesome influence 
on Australian industrial conditions, and the policy of 
protection has had its wholesome influence upon public 
policy, so as practically to destroy that fetich of free 
trade which denies the right of a nation to use its polit- 
ical institutions to stimulate, enlarge and protect the 
economic opportunities of its own people. Along the 
lines of rational protective ideas, wholesome labor pol- 
icy and truly democratic representative institutions, 
Australia, not with the antagonism but with the sym- 
pathy and cooperation of the English people and gov- 
ernment, has evolved from six segregated colonies into 
an integrated commonwealth and virtual republic. 

We have the honor of publishing in this number 
an article on the Australian Commonwealth from the 
pen of Hon. William Francis Schey. Mr. Schey has 
been conspicuously identified with the recent movement 
towards Australian federation. He was a member of 
parliament in New South Wales, and is a leading pro- 
tectionist, being general secretary of the National 
Protective Union, president of the New South Wales 
board of labor commissioners, and otherwise conspicu- 
ously identified with recent progressive economic and 
political movements. Mr. Schey is peculiarly well 
fitted to write upon what he calls " The New Nation," 
which is of special and suggestive interest to every 
citizen of the United States. 



Allowing that the revolting Chinese drama pre- 
sents racial animosity in its crudest and most barbaric 
form, not since the civil war have questions of race and 
color entered more largely into the affairs of the west- 
ern hemisphere. Politics and religion undoubtedly 
have had a hand in the world-imbroglio of the Orient. 
Religious proselytism, however, cannot be assigned as 
a cause of effects all too evident this side of the Atlan- 
tic Ocean. 

Perhaps the question of race and privilege assumes 
specific importance as it concerns either the southern 
or northern states. Each section, it may be supposed, 
looks at the matter from its own point of view. But to 
expect that a disfranchisement process of the North 
Carolina stamp can make for the homogeneity of the 
nation is to ignore morality. Political aggrandizement 
here stands sponsor for a move recently treated of ex- 
haustively in the public prints. 

Since the cry of Anglo-American cooperation arises 
every now and then when questions affecting both na- 
tions are at issue, why not examine how each country 
may benefit the other in solving the problem of race 
and color ? No other two countries have been con- 
fronted in a like degree with racial intricacies. Both 
Great Britain and the United States have had dealings 
with the African race antedating emancipation. 

How much, then, has the British empire to teach 
those responsible for the stewardship of the Afro- 
Americans ? In how far can the rule of Britannia over 
its colored subjects find even partial application as it 



concerns the right of suffrage due the American negro ? 
The query teems with vital significance ; the more so 
since the answer at best can be but a superior sort of 
interrogation. Almost within speaking distance of 
each other, the United States and Great Britain are 
working for the solution of the color problem. Whether 
greater success has crowned the efforts of the empire or 
the republic is left for the consideration of such who 
know what the United States has done for the colored 
people in the past. The North Carolina disfranchise- 
ment blunder need not necessarily stand out too boldly 
against a background which may as yet be blended into 
a harmonious whole. 

Of the several British colonies in the West Indies, 
none offer a better opportunity for studying the negro 
problem than Jamaica. Few, if any, possessions of the 
empire have been the scene of greater strife and vicis- 
situde. How great a factor the negro has continued in 
the existence of the island the history of Jamaica bears 

James Anthony Froude visited Jamaica almost fif- 
teen years ago. The itinerary included the greater 
portion of the British West Indies and a cursory glance 
or two bestowed on Hayti. The late historian went, 
as he afterwards said, for the purpose of increasing his 
knowledge of the British colonies. The people of Ja- 
maica, whites, blacks and browns, are not yet done dis- 
cussing Mr. Froude and what he gave utterance to as a 
result of his journey to the Antilles and the Caribbean 
Sea. Without reservation it is charged in many quar- 
ters that the negrophilism of the eminent historian is 
not altogether luminous. That Mr. Froude did not 
consider negro suffrage of whatever kind desirable for 
the British colony is evident enough from what he 
wrote about Jamaica and the negroes. 

The north coast of the island offers essential advan- 


tages for the study of existing conditions. Between 
Port Antonio and Montego Bay the Caribbean Sea 
washes a stretch of country prodigiously rich in na- 
ture's attributes. And it is in Portland parish that the 
colored race is now demonstrating its capacity for 
partly working out its own salvation. The white 
minority in this section is doing all it can to aid the 
others in their task. 

Port Antonio fifteen years ago did not aspire to the 
importance which now makes of the town the greatest 
fruit-shipping port of Jamaica. But since Americans 
were already acting as the redeeming agency of the 
northern coast ; since what was then the Boston Fruit 
Company now the United Fruit Company employed 
a large number of blacks on its plantations, the re- 
nowned author of " The English in the West Indies" 
would have done well in visiting Port Antonio before 
he published his work. The railroad did not then con- 
nect the town with Kingston to the south, it may be 
argued, but, without necessarily championing the cause 
of the negro, a writer should take every feature into 
consideration when to gain and disseminate knowledge 
is the twofold purpose. The capital of a country is 
never the place where the native pulse beats in unison 
with its normal self. 

The Spanish- American war came home to the Ja- 
maicans as a conflict the result of which would be of 
more than passing interest to them. To the colored 
population in particular the aid in behalf of Cuba ap- 
pealed as some fin de siecle emancipation. Fifty odd 
years before, the efforts of Wilberforce and others of 
his mind gave freedom to the negroes of Jamaica. The 
Spanish yoke, as it concerned the Cubans, in the eyes 
of the blacks and browns, did not seem one whit less 
oppressive than the slavery of yore, into which many 
of those living had been born. For which reason the 


advent of the stars and stripes in the Caribbean Sea was 
hailed joyfully by the Afro-Jamaicans. 

Landing at Port Antonio, colored quarantine offi- 
cers inspect the steamer. The custom-house officials 
likewise are of the colored race. It is the first encoun 
ter with representatives of the crown, and on the very 
threshold of Jamaica, therefore, the opportunity is pre 
sented of studying the color problem. Colored clerks are 
busily at work in the long room, occupied jointly by the 
custom-house and the colonial bank which has a branch 
here at Port Antonio. Deft fingers ply the ledgers. 
Pounds and shillings and pence pass over the counters. 
From the darkest hue to the lightest brown the ensem- 
ble indicates that the British government considers its 
colored subjects fit to transact part of its business. No 
fault is to be found with the treatment bestowed on 
the traveler. If now and then a tinge of officiousness 
creeps in it is nothing more serious than what may be 
met with where the representatives of the British gov- 
ernment are white instead of black. The colored 
official in Jamaica cannot be blamed entirely for desir- 
ing to impress on the visitor that he considers himself 
a trifle superior to those of his own race in the United 
States. Of course his opinion of the colored people of 
the North is based largely on what he has read concern- 
ing the negro disfranchisement. But he is perfectly 
familiar with the name of Booker T.Washington and the 
importance of institutions like Tuskegee Institute and 
the Hampton Training School . And there is not the least 
doubt that whether black or brown the negro of Jamaica 
sees in his anterior emancipation a proof positive that 
he is somewhat in advance of his colored brethren in 
the United States. He takes pride in knowing that 
progress has attended the march of his race under the 
stars and stripes. But he is not willing to concede this 
progress to be equal with his own. He now and then 


strikes up an argument which from his point of view, 
presumably, is conclusive. In this matter of excellence 
and priority his traits are characteristically provincial. 
This is said in no sense of disparagement. 

In the matter of shedding fresh light on the color 
problem of Jamaica the writer had to proceed somewhat 
differently than anticipated. To make a logical begin- 
ning it was the intention to show how the negro had 
been brought from his native land a slave ; how he had 
been instrumental in cultivating the colony these hun- 
dred of years since ; what was his condition before and 
after emancipation, and what changes for better or for 
worse had been wrought in his material and mental 
make-up since he had been granted his freedom. It 
was the purpose to begin with the peasant and the soil 
and rise gradually upward. But, as it happened, the first 
representatives of the race to be met with were such as 
held important government positions, and their case, as 
it were, had to be disposed of first. Between the two 
are other grades, each a factor in the development of 
the colony and the colored race. Even the coolies be- 
long by rights under the color caption. 

During the Spanish- American war the large colored 
population of Port Antonio and surrounding country 
evinced a more than passing interest in the momentous 
happenings to the north of the Caribbean Sea. Since 
then the interest in all that concerns Cuba and the 
United States has increased twofold. Port Antonio ly- 
ing directly to the north of the island, which was form- 
erly Spain's, news of importance nearly always found its 
way here before reaching other points in Jamaica. In 
common with the white residents the colored popula- 
tion became keenly alive to all that transpired in Cuba 
and Porto Rico, especially since thousands of blacks 
and browns were about to be relieved of the Spanish 
yoke. Then came the conclusion of the war, Cuba was 


brought under the protecting wings of the United States, 
and now the Jamaica negro is anxious to know what 
political freedom will be given his brother in Cuba in 
case independence is not granted the island. With his 
left eye resting on some of the southern states, where 
the disfranchisement plan is advocated, he cannot help 
glancing to the right as well where Hayti is presenting 
a spectacle anything but edifying as regards self gov- 
ernment. It is true that the Haytians are not concern- 
ing themselves with the outside world, but the negro at 
large has a right to inquire what his colored brother in 
Hayti is doing for his own elevation. More so since 
here the race is working out its own salvation, let the 
latter term be rightly applied or otherwise. 

Speak to a Jamaica negro of average intelligence 
about Hayti and the Haytians and he at once professes 
his allegiance to the queen. Not that there are wanting 
those who look to independence as the saving clause, 
but the better element is of a different mind and spurns 
in unmistakable language the idea that annexation to 
the United States is for the best of the island. In this 
respect the sentiment of the colored people has under- 
gone a marked change during the past decade. 

Of the more than 700,000 inhabitants of the island 
about 17,000 are whites. This may seem the reason 
then why so many negroes are found in the pro- 
fessions, the arena of commerce and in similar walks of 
life. As artisans they are also much in evidence, and, 
as a matter of course, all heavy labor is performed by 
them. But while numerical strength may have consid- 
erable to do with their success in the higher branches 
of existence the Jamaica negroes know only too well 
that but for education they could never have attained 
to positions which are seldom reached by the race 
anywhere else. Whether on the plantations or at the * 
docks it is difficult to find a negro who cannot at least 


read or write. With a rudimentary foundation the rest 
is easier. 

The color question of the island in reality presents a 
problem within a problem. To an outsider, at any 
rate, there exists a distinct division between the blacks 
and the browns. The latter as might be guessed are 
those of mixed race, and not infrequently the browns 
are referred to in Jamaica as the colored people. The 
Maroons, the descendants of Carib Indians and negroes, 
should not be confounded with the browns having 
Caucasian blood in their veins. 

Not once but a number of times the writer while in 
Jamaica observed how the blacks and browns looked 
upon themselves as individually superior to the others. 
There is hardly a doubt that the pure blacks consider 
the browns as great a danger to their race as the 

Market day at Port Antonio brings together every 
type of the negro race. The streets are crowded with 
people in picturesque costumes. The country folks 
passing up and down are almost invariably of the pure 
negro class. The women are in the majority and 
balancing heavy baskets on their heads they appear 
splendid specimens of their sex as they pass by. The 
black policemen look like statues in their spotless 
uniforms of white. 

In conversation with a colored merchant the writer 
was reminded of what is told of Li Hung Chang when 
the shrewd Chinese diplomat is being interviewed. 
The Celestial statesman, it is affirmed, instead of being 
interviewed turns himself interviewer. The Jamaica 
merchant was approached for the purpose of learning 
certain phases of the situation with which he was said 
to be familiar to a high degree. It is true that much 
was gained by the conversation which ensued, but 
there was evident a desire on the part of the other to 


learn all he could about those of his own race in the 
United States, even before he would commit himself. 

"In the interest of my business I go to the states 
twice a year," he said. " But while there I have not 
much opportunity to study the color question. How- 
ever, I feel that we of Jamaica have not a great deal to 
complain of as concerns our contact with the whites. 
Of course, here in Port Antonio you can only see one 
side of the question, since the blacks and browns are so 
greatly in the majority that you will find us in every 
avocation. But even when you get to Kingston you 
will find that the negro is perfectly able to keep step 
with his white brother of the capital. Some of the 
most eminent lawyers for instance are of my race." 

In speaking of the color problem the merchant 
affirmed that whites, Cubans, blacks and browns were 
members of the several secret societies to which he 
himself belonged. As to the real social intercourse 
between the races there is a line drawn, although not as 
definable as in the United States, he confessed. 

The railroad between Port Antonio and Kingston 
furnishes another chapter of information anent the 
colored people of the island. It is not our purpose, 
however, to dwell on the rolling stock, what manner of 
roadbed is furnished or what the distance between 
Port Antonio and the capital to the south of the 
island. A more graphic pen than the present might 
be able to picture adequately the magnificent landscape 
through which the train speeds towards its destination. 
The personnel of the train and the passengers, how- 
ever, came entirely within the purpose of the journey 
undertaken by the writer. From fireman to conductor 
the crew was composed of negroes. Except for a few 
persons the passengers were blacks and browns. 

The conductor volunteered considerable informa- 
tion as to the relationship between the white and 


colored passengers in general. The Jamaica Railroad 
has first and second-class carriages, and color is no bar 
to either. In fact, while many of the whites travel 
second-class, blacks and browns not infrequently fill 
the first-class carriages. On this first railroad journey 
to Kingston the writer had as fellow passenger a 
colored overseer of a large plantation, and the informa- 
tion gained from him remains not the least valuable 
material gathered in the island. What he had to say 
about the peasant class proved him in possession of 
logic and acumen. 

In the United States the color question comes most 
strongly to the fore where those of different races meet 
in public places. As for Jamaica, it was to be expected 
that whatever animosity prevailed would find antagon- 
istic expression where whites and negroes were sup- 
posed to meet on common ground. The writer recalls 
an incident which, while strikingly unique to a stranger, 
offers a fair example of what can be met with frequently 
in the British colony. 

It was on the evening of a dramatic performance at 
the Theater Royal, Kingston. The amateur talent of 
the city was to give a benefit for the fund for the wid- 
ows and orphans of soldiers who had fallen in the 
Transvaal war. A large audience had gathered to pay 
tribute to the valor of the British army. The military 
band was playing a stirring battle piece and the curtain 
was about to rise. The writer was interested in the 
mixed assemblage which from the point of fashion 
would have done credit to an audience at the Metropol- 
itan Opera- House on a gala night. Magnificent types 
of Creole women, handsome dark-skinned mulattoes and 
men and women of the pure negro type were scattered 
throughout the lower floor and occupied conspicuous 
boxes in the balcony. Sir Augustus Hemmings, gov- 
ornor of Jamaica, was in the official box with Lady 


Hemtnings and other members of the family. Suddenly, 
attention was directed toward the rear of the auditorium. 
Down the center strode a couple, the man six feet tall 
and black as ebony, the woman a perfect blonde. Like 
some modern Othello and his fair Desdemona the couple 
reached their seats where the removal of the woman's 
opera cloak revealed a form which stood in striking con- 
trast to that of her escort who looked almost inky black 
from head to foot, except for his immaculate shirt front. 

The man now rose and bowing toward the govern- 
or's box gave intimation that the occupants were no 
strangers to him. Then he turned aside and spoke to 
some one sitting next to -him. 

"Rather a difference in complexion," remarked a 
typical Creole sitting near the writer. " Even to us such 
a contrast is not an everyday occurence." 

It transpired that the negro was one of the foremost 
jurists on the island and that he had recently married 
in England. His wife, who belonged to a prominent 
family in the country across the sea, was making her 
initial appearance before the social set that evening. 
Nothing could have been advanced to prove more con- 
clusively that Jamaica gives apparent social recognition 
to the colored race. And still it is only as a sort of su- 
perior toleration that the negro is admitted to the 
charmed circle of society. As in the United States, the 
color line would be drawn tight were it but politic. It 
is the knowledge of this which makes the Jamaica negro 
strive hard to earn social recognition through education. 

The Anglo-Saxon element of Jamaica looks with 
disfavor on intermarriage of the races. That such a 
practice is conducive to the solution of the color ques- 
tion is very doubtful. It is quite true that some of the 
most brilliant mulattoes in the island testify to the fact 
that mixed parentage has worked benefit in their par- 
ticular cases. But as a rule the admixture of Caucasian 


blood is to be traced back a considerable period when 
the negro was still a slave. 

Entirely apart from the question of illegitimacy, 
those of unmixed race do not admit that this contact 
with the whites has been an exceptional heritage. The 
pure negro with some reason says that since his lineage 
is undisturbed he has a right to consider himself the 
superior. On the other hand the browns as a whole 
seem perfectly contented that their skin in many in- 
stances borders on the white. 

To treat conclusively of the Jamaica negro is out 
of the question. The psychology of the race as it per- 
tains to the colored people of the island has much to 
differentiate it from what obtains in many other places. 
Books of travel do not furnish all the facts about this 
member of the African race. The writer fails to see 
in what way most authors have placed the Jamaica 
negro in his proper light. It is quite true that of 
faults he has many, but the final estimate is not 
obtained from some steamer's deck, as the tourist 
merely glances at the coast of Jamaica and its people, 
as it were. Mr. Froude did not do much better, even 
though he made a stay on the island and was enter- 
tained royally at the hands of the government officials. 
It may be argued that his book is entitled "The 
English in the West Indies.'' The more reason why 
he should not have planned beforehand what to say 
about the blacks and browns who constitute the ma- 
jority. The late historian did not consider them fit 
members to participate in the affairs of the local gov- 
ernment. As an insular Englishman it could hardly 
be expected that he would have advocated their partici- 
pation too strongly ; but to compare the Afro- Jamaicans 
with the Haytians is an injustice which some future 
historian will surely correct. And that is in reality 
how Mr. Froude summed up his result. 


Perhaps the reader will reach the conclusion that 
the present article gives more than a due proportion of 
credit to the negro and omits to speak adequately of the 
whites. Such a conception is a fallacy except so far as 
it concerns the object of the article : to tell what the 
Jamaica negro is doing for his own elevation. Many 
descriptive books are in the market which will enlighten 
the curious in the matter of picturesque delineation. 
Jamaica is an island like few in the West Indies. As 
for the political situation it has been dealt with every 
now and then. But the negro race is just beginning to 
be a real factor in the destiny of nations. And whether 
in the United States, the West Indies, or in their 
native Africa, the racial bond must sooner or later assert 
itself. And this, notwithstanding the mulatto, has of 
late become a sub-division of the entity. 

The schools and churches of the island are fertile 
places in which to study the evolution of the colored 
people of Jamaica. Since the emancipation several 
important changes have been made in the educational 
system. The wealthier classes among the whites in- 
variably send their children to England to finish their 
education. But to the writer it appeared as if the spirit 
of amicability between the white and colored children 
attending the parochial schools left nothing to be 
desired. There comes to mind, for instance, the picture 
of two young girls walking down the steps of a school 
in Kingston. The one was of fair complexion with 
blonde curls in profusion around her head ; the other 
had the dark features and woolly hair of the typical 
negro. With their arms around each other's neck the 
contrast could not have been greater. No racial ani- 
mosity could have rested in the minds of these young 
girls at any rate. Perhaps the case in point was 
exceptional. If so it is pleasant to have witnessed it in 
a season of such world- wide racial contention. 


The name of Booker T. Washington has already 
been alluded to. It is exceedingly doubtful whether 
Frederick Douglas in his time meant much more to his 
race than the influence this masterful negro educator 
now exerts over his people. It was to be supposed 
that the aim and strenuousness of Professor Washing- 
ton were quite familiar to the colored people of the 
towns and cities of Jamaica, but even in the country 
districts his educational propaganda has taken root, and 
when the black peasant is asking questions pertaining 
to his colored brethren in the United States he fre- 
quently bases his inquiries on what he already knows 
about the " Negro Moses" of the North, as Booker T. 
Washington has been termed by his own people and 
others. When on that day at Harvard, five years ago, 
a colored man for the first time in the history of a New 
England university was officially honored, the degree 
of master of arts, conferred by President Eliot, placed 
Booker T. Washington on a pedestal visible as far 
south as the British colony in the Carribbean Sea. 
When he said subsequently that work and education 
are the levers by which the race is to be lifted up, he 
may have given unconscious inspiration to thousands 
of Jamaica negroes. For there is no doubt that within 
the past five years the blacks, who constitute the labor- 
ing class, have gone to work with more of a will than 
in years gone by. Whatever Booker T. Washington 
has written has gone straight to the mark, whether it 
applied locally or in the aggregate. 

Not a few negroes have found their way from 
Jamaica to the United States, but in most instances a 
grateful return has been beaten after a limited stay. 
The numerous tourists who now flock to the island for 
health and pleasure have perhaps stimulated a desire 
on the part of the Jamaica negro to share in the opu- 
lence which most travelers so openly display. Wages 


are small in the island it is true, but then again to the 
natives the living is inexpensive. Narrowed down to 
its due proportion the colored race here is quite as well 
off as anywhere. 

Unquestionably it is to the soil that the negro of 
the tropical countries will have to turn for his ultimate 
salvation. The industrial activity with which the 
negroes have recently identified themselves in the 
southern states of this country has its mainspring in 
the cultivation of the cotton fields. In Jamaica and 
other islands of the West Indies nature has prepared 
the ground almost in advance. Since sugar must in 
the future be confined to extensive territories under 
the management of central factories, other products will 
be found available to the peasant class. Bananas, co- 
coanuts and other tropical plants and trees will be 
made to yield even more plentifully than at present. 
And it is the hope of a large number of negroes that 
the whites will come to realize that this is for the best 
of all concerned and not oppose the peasant proprie- 

But who is to do the work of the larger estates, the 
plantations where labor is wanted during certain periods 
of the year? This is a question which has caused no 
end of discussion, and was solved to some extent by 
the introduction of the coolies who came to Jamaica 
under contract with the British government. But since 
men and women share equally the labor of the field, 
the peasant, it is said, can manage his own plot of 
ground and be at the service of the planters when most 
needed. That the advent of the coolies has from the 
first stimulated the negro to greater effort there is little 
doubt. Patient, saving, the coolie has told the negro, 
by example that if the latter does not continue indus- 
trious the other will take his place. 

The writer visited many country districts and saw 


the workings of the peasant proprietary system. Ap- 
parently the people are happy in the knowledge that 
they have roofs of their own over their heads. 

The constitution of Jamaica reads that in order to 
vote at the election of a member of the legislative 
council for any of the electoral districts the individual 
must have attained the age of twenty-one years. He 
must be a British subject by birth or naturalization, 
and during the preceding twelve months must be the 
owner or tenant of a dwelling house within the district. 
This applies to whites and negroes alike and there is 
no educational clause inserted for the reason that it 
could not find application since nearly everybody can 
read and write. Perhaps a certain element of the white 
population is not too enthusiastic because their black 
and brown fellow voters thus easily qualify themselves. 
But the preponderance of colored voters is there to 
stay and the white opponents might just as well make 
the best of it. Careful investigation has shown that 
rather than put in nomination one of their own color 
the blacks and browns have chosen a white candidate 
where the latter's qualifications for the office have been 
more pronounced. 

As for the cry of superstition, which so many 
writers raise in their treatment of Jamaica and other 
West Indian islands, that perhaps is a matter which is 
inherent in the African race. But not once during a 
stay of several months in Jamaica did the writer en- 
counter anything which would lead him to believe that 
education in time would not make an easy conquest of 
this very superstition. Not a few writers have at- 
tempted to show with a vengeance that devil worship 
was a feature of the Jamaica negro in common with the 
blacks of Hayti. Whatever authority lies behind, it is 
safe to say that hearsay is alone responsible. It is in 
the nature of the colored race to be easily influenced. 


But rather than expose to view whatever shortcomings 
the negro of Jamaica may possess the white inhabi- 
tants should take pains to tell the visitors of his better 
qualities. A parent does not usually chastise his child 
in public. Perhaps the Anglo-Saxon element of Jamaica 
might do itself a service by at any rate extolling those 
qualities and improvements which the Afro- Jamaicans 
possess and show. As for the United States and its 
thousands of recently acquired colored wards in the 
West Indies, it is to be hoped that it will deal con- 
scientiously with the negro population which is to 
witness a new era likewise under Anglo-Saxon steward- 


The next great public movement in this country is 
destined to be in the field of municipal politics. It is 
in the nature of all rapid progress that it moves in 
sections. The first progress in a new country is always 
industrial. It is the very prosperity of its industrial 
enterprise that brings progress in all other phases of 
society. Population centers around industrial activity ; 
hence the development of manufacture and commerce 
brings cities. The relation of cities to each other and 
to agricultural regions brings the railroad system, and 
so the nation grows along the lines of its industrial 
activities, and the character of its institutions is largely 
determined by the nature of its industries. When the 
industrial progress is very rapid, especially if abnor- 
mally so, the growth and government of towns and 
cities are largely left to their own momentum. 

This is vividly illustrated in the sudden growth of 
a mining camp. The kind of houses, the conditions 
of the town, the civic regulations, the sanitation, the 
laying out and care of the streets, are for a time left 
largely to the individual impulse of the people, with 
the result of chaos, disorder and neglect. In short, all 
the municipal and social features of the town are subor- 
dinated to the prime impulse that brought the town 
into existence, namely, industrial success. Next to 
industrial success, and largely contemporaneous with 
it, comes the political interest, especially as affecting 
the relation of the industries of the place to the state or 
national government. Under these forces, which are 
naturally aggressive in proportion to the industrial 
growth of the place, the municipal interests are for a 
long time neglected. 



This neglect brings a multitude of vices as the 
town grows. The lack of sanitation, neglect of streets, 
of proper water supply, of building regulations, of 
opportunities for education, etc., begin to show them- 
selves in the poor character and unattractiveness of the 
town. Politics, which is an early development, imme- 
diately interests itself in the police department because 
that is the source of control. The consequence is that 
the place becomes known as rich but crude and shoddy. 
It is characterized as sacrificing civilization to the dol- 
lar, its laws are ill enforced, the free use of money and 
purchase of privileges and bribery of public officials 
become common. As a natural consequence, public 
attention is first temporarily and then permanently 
turned to the improved elevation and purification of 
civic life. It becomes a part of the policy and politics 
to raise the political and civic character of its institu- 
tions to the level of its industrial accomplishments. 
This is the natural order of development under the 
influence of rapid growth, and hence is apt to be char- 
acteristic of new "bonanza" countries. It has been 
conspicuously illustrated in the history of the United 

Our industrial progress has no parallel in any other 
country, neither has the comparative backwardness of 
our municipal governments. We have more national 
wealth, we have made more and greater economic 
improvements, we have a greater degree of personal 
and political freedom, we have a higher standard of 
prosperity and individual income than any other nation, 
and we have a lower standard of civic life, poorer city 
governments, and more municipal corruption and de- 
bauchery than can be found in any other country. This 
is not evidence of the political debauchery of the Amer- 
ican people, but it is the result of a neglected field in 
our governmental activities. The national energy has 


been devoted to other fields, and in these unequalled 
success has been accomplished. 

The admittedly higher standard of municipal gov- 
ernment in Europe is easily accounted for by the fact 
that the progress in European countries has been more 
uniform, because it has been much slower than in the 
United States. The progress has been more homo- 
geneous and more gradual, it has taken no great spurts, 
either in industry, population, form of government or 
other conditions. Its several nations have practically 
no alien population, no "trust '' problem, no free silver 
agitation and no Tammanys, because it has had no 
extraordinary industrial expansion, which within a 
single decade called into existence new municipalities 
and sometimes new states. The city of London, for 
instance, has had its charter nearly a thousand years. 

During the first half of the present century the 
industrial development of this country was compara- 
tively normal, the diversification of industry was slight, 
cities grew slowly, and municipal government kept 
comparative pace with the growth of national institu- 
tions. Tammany administrations were practically un- 
known. It was not until after the war, A, hen the 
extraordinary growth of industry came, with multipli- 
cation of manufactures, almost magical appearance of 
cities and conversion of small cities into large ones, 
that the field of municipal activities came to be rela- 
tively neglected. It is not that municipal interest 
became less, but that it failed to grow apace with the 
industrial expansion and urbanization of population. 
We have now reached the point, however, where the 
problem of municipal government with all it implies 
must receive national attention or its very neglect will 
react upon our industrial progress. 

The debauchery and corruption developed in our 
municipal life has already begun to spread into the field 


of state and national politics. At the present rate of 
city growth, before, the first quarter of the twentieth 
century is closed, the majority of the voters of the 
nation will probably be in the cities and large towns, 
and the national government will be controlled by the 
methods and forces that govern the municipalities. 

The national questions of immediate importance, if 
not yet solved have been put beyond the point of immi- 
nent danger. The tariff question, for instance, though 
not scientifically settled, may be regarded as safely dis- 
posed of for the next few years. The gold standard 
has been established and the stability of our monetary 
system practically secured. Although much remains 
to be done to perfect our banking system, it is not in 
danger of revolutionary disturbance, so as to jeopardize 
our financial and business stability. Unfortunately, 
new problems have been injected into our foreign 
policy which to some extent will unduly absorb public 
interest and tend to lessen the concentration of atten- 
tion on domestic affairs, but this is largely an affair of 
the national government, which should not and it is to 
IDC hoped will not be permitted, even in the hands of 
cunning politicians, to divert the attention of the people 
from the now imperative question of municipal gov- 

New York, Philadelphia, Chicago and other large 
cities have become the nests of political pestilence. 
They are the breeding places of political ' ' Black 
Death '' and are rapidly infesting the atmosphere of 
the nation with their disease-laden germs. There is 
one element, however, in the character of the American 
people which furnishes the foundation for optimistic 
confidence ; it is, that they generally rise to the occa- 
sion when demanded. They have occasionally made 
mistakes, but when brought face to face with vital 
issues involving the nation's welfare and future progress 


they have always taken the highway, though the 
temptation to go cross-lots was ever so great. This 
feature has been illustrated in the last two national 
elections. The people the masses upon whom the 
sophistry of quack statesmanship is expected to have 
the greatest influence, who are the victims of industrial 
dislocation and come most directly in touch with the 
disadvantages and receive the meager end of the bene- 
fits of industrial and social institutions, are naturally 
expected to lend the most willing ear to drastic meas- 
ures and even to revolution. But in 1896, and again in 
1900, although in sympathy with much that was pre- 
sented in favor of disruption, they rose to the level of 
wholesome discrimination, selected the genuine and 
rejected the spurious with a decision that stimulates 
faith in democracy and furnishes a guarantee to civiliza- 
tion. There is every reason to believe, therefore, that 
when brought face to face with the problem of munici- 
pal government the American people will be no less 
equal to the task. 

With the comparative subsidence of national ques- 
tions the subject of municipal government is naturally 
coming conspicuously to the front. It is also beginning 
in exactly the right place, New York city. New York 
is the metropolis of the country, it is the second largest 
city in the world, it is the greatest center in this coun- 
try of wealth, learning, art, science, commerce and' in- 
dustry, and, for reasons already stated, it has perhaps 
the most corrupt and debauched government of any city 
in the world. Its administration has been so long in 
the hands of a debased and debasing organization that 
those responsible for it have lost the capacity to blush. 
Instead of being a government for the protection of the 
city, it uses the political power and wealth of the peo- 
pie to traffic in crime and protect criminals and levy 
blackmail upon the unfortunate class whose duty it is to 


help and protect. It has converted politics into a cor- 
rupt private business, to the scandal of the community 
and disgrace of the nation. 

This naturally tends to grow worse as it grows 
stronger, and becomes more impervious to criticism. 
Under the tendency to neglect municipal interests, these 
corrupting and degrading methods have been systema- 
tized into regular organized politics on the principle 
that success succeeds and establishes the methods of its 

The corrupting methods evolved and so skilfully 
adopted by Tammany have been imitated by the repub- 
lican organization. It is no longer a question of differ- 
ent principles or public policy that actuates the two 
organizations in New York city, but how a division of 
the spoils can be secured. While Tammany is in con- 
trol of the administration, it is frequently more or less 
in danger of dislodgment, and in order to perpetuate 
itself it consents, according to the degree of danger, to 
divide the emoluments with the other organization. It 
has become a question of the division of spoils rather 
than policy of municipal administration. 

This evil has been generally believed to exist for a 
considerable time, the evidence of it has been more or 
less manifest for many years, but the proof of it now 
exists in indisputable form. That the republican man- 
agers and officeholders do trade with the leaders of 
Tammany Hall is now susceptible of conclusive demon- 
stration. We have in our possession the evidence that 
such dishonest trading took place in the last election. 
Although this vice is probably more flagrant in New 
York than in any other city, it has become a feature of 
municipal politics in all large cities. 

This feature is responsible for the failure of many 
wholesome efforts towards municipal reform. There 
have been several spasmodic attempts to cleanse the 


character of municipal politics, but when the movement 
seems to reach anything like the danger point to either 
organization the other comes to its rescue. This has 
been done so many times and in so many ways that the 
faith of the people in the wholesome integrity of the 
local republican organization is not much greater than 
in that of Tammany. It is probably true that 75 per 
cent, of those who voted for McKinley in New York 
city at the national election would be as reluctant to 
give the republican party control of the city government 
as they would to reelect Mayor Van Wyck. Indeed, 
the public belief is that the municipal government un- 
der the leadership of Thomas C. Platt would be in no 
important sense better than the present one under 
Richard Croker. This may be an unjust view. Mr. 
Platt is not a duplicate of Mr. Croker, he is a cultivated 
gentleman. It has not and probably cannot be proved 
that he is a personal beneficiary of crime and the crim- 
inal class. He has never yet had Croker's opportunity, 
yet it is definitely known that those immediately under 
him, who do his bidding, are ready to and do participate 
in identically the same methods as do the men under 
Croker ; indeed, that they participate in the same thing 
with them. This belief regarding Mr. Platt and the 
republican organization is so strong and knowledge of 
the conduct of his subordinates is so conclusive that the 
people will not and ought not to trust him. 

Although a majority of the people of New York are 
unquestionably opposed to Tammany and would gladly 
rid themselves of Croker and all he implies, they will 
not transfer the administration to the republican party, 
which is so visibly tainted with Tammany methods. 
This fact has now become so clear that a republican 
nomination for mayor in New York city cannot be taken 
seriously ; it is so clear that republicans who really want 
clean politics would not favor it, and any effort to bring 


about that result would be properly interpreted as a part 
of a plan to perpetuate Tammany and enable certain 
republican politicians to divide with Tammany the reve- 
nues from the city's degradation. 

The fact that this is becoming an increasingly 
definite view held by the citizens in both parties is a still 
further hopeful sign that the people are getting ready 
to face the municipal problem in a practical and efficient 
manner. Past experience and knowledge of present 
conduct on the part of the republican organization, and 
its accommodating relation to Tammany, makes it in- 
dispensable to any real success that the republican 
organization be not trusted with any leadership in 
municipal politics. There are many signs of real 
awakening on the part of the public in this direction. 
If the people take vigorously hold of this aspect of the 
subject at the outset there are abundant reasons for 
hoping and believing that a great step in the progress 
of municipal government in this country can be taken 
during the coming year. The movement to be success- 
ful and the time is supremely opportune must be 
under unquestioned leadership. The first, and perhaps 
in this instance the only, proposition around which the 
people should be asked to rally is the complete and un- 
qualified dethronement of Tammany. This would 
make the issue simple, the point of concentration easy, 
and the motive for enthusiastic cooperation obvious. 

The first thing to accomplish in dealing with the 
municipal question is to inspire public confidence, in- 
spire the faith of the people in the possibility of clean 
politics and honest administration, with the dominating 
motive to promote the welfare of the city, not merely 
in making taxes low but in promoting public improve- 
ments and ministering to the welfare of the people in 
respect both to the conditions of living and the condi- 
tions of doing business. If clean politics and honest 


administration can once be assured, so that blackmail 
and league with crime between government officials and 
the criminal class shall disappear, so that the courts 
shall be accessible to all citizens alike, regardless of 
their relation to a political organization, then the oppor- 
tunity for dealing with the real municipal problems, 
like the sweatshops and other depressing features of 
our city life, will be at hand. 

An important and indeed vital question in connec- 
tion with the movement for clean politics is the ma- 
chinery for nominating candidates. It is at this initi- 
atory stage where the Tammany and republican organ- 
izations exercise their vicious control. The public in- 
fluence in the caucuses is practically nil. The reason 
for this is that through the power of patronage the 
organization can control the delegates in the nominating 
conventions, Tammany through municipal offices and 
Platt through federal and state offices. Here is where 
much of the trading between the two parties is done. By 
having office-holders as delegates, they can manipulate 
the conventions for almost any candidate. If they can- 
not change the result by putting the screws on existing 
office-holders they can buy delegates with the promise 
of office or other reward. 

It is in this way that Croker dictated the nomina- 
tion of Van Wyck for mayor in 1897, and forbade the 
nomination of Coler for governor in 1900. It was ex- 
actly in this way that, for a money consideration, the 
nomination of William L. Douglas for congress in the 
1 4th congressional district, New York city, in place of 
Adelbert H. Steele, last fall, was dictated, although a 
majority of 36 of the delegates were voluntarily 
pledged to Mr. Steele. In this case Tammany office- 
holders were used to accomplish the result. So long as 
the organization leader through his control of patron- 
age can thus dictate the nominations, the progress 


towards clean politics will be very slow. This obstacle 
to free nominations ought to be immediately removed. 

All that is required to accomplish this end is to 
substitute nomination by petition for nomination by 
delegate conventions. What is needed is simply to 
abolish the convention and let the nomination of candi- 
dates be made by petition of registered voters. Thus, 
for instance, in the nomination of congressmen, provide 
that every name presented with the endorsement of 
fifty enrolled republicans or democrats shall be placed 
upon the nominating ballot in alphabetical order. In 
this way, any person whom fifty voters of his own 
party desire to have submitted to the people's approval 
as a candidate can be put upon the list. At the legal 
primaries the voting is open to the entire electorate of 
the district, who are entitled to vote in the party pri- 
mary. The person who receives the largest number of 
votes in the secret ballot thus taken becomes the party 
nominee, whose name is to go upon the official ballot 
on election day. This would do two things : it would 
give the voters not merely the right but the protected 
opportunity to nominate, because it would enable every 
person of any appreciable popularity to have his name 
submitted to the voters of his party for nomination. 
The organization might nominate a candidate but they 
could not influence the voters any more than they can 
now do so at the polls. In short, this would place the 
nomination of candidates under the protection of the 
secret ballot, which has already been adopted as the 
last resource for protecting the citizen's vote at the 

If Platt or Croker and their friends could in- 
fluence a large number of voters to support their candi- 
dates, they would be perfectly justified in doing so, be- 
cause they could only do this by influencing the judg- 
ment of the voters, which it is every citizen's right to 


do, but their power to coerce office-holders would be 
gone. This would be the practical elimination of both 
office-holder and boss from politics. With this accom- 
plished, the people would then be directly in control of 
the nomination as well as the election of candidates, 
and popular elections would be an established fact. 

Of course, the Platts and Crokers would unite in 
defeating any such important legislation in the interest 
of popular elections. It would be like signing their 
own death warrant. Nevertheless, this is the great 
needed first step, and this is the opportunity for the 
republican party to show whether it is really in favor 
of clean politics. The republican majority in the 
assembly at Albany is so great that if the party really 
believes in popular nomination as well as election, and 
believes in placing the entire machinery of the election 
in the hands of the citizens, such a law can be promptly 
passed early in the present session. If such a bill is 
introduced, as it surely will be, the opportunity will be 
presented and the test applied to republican political 

This power over the nominations makes cowards 
of most members of the legislature, because they know 
they will perish in silence before they have a chance to 
appeal to the people. For instance, when Mr. Platt 
was elected as senator from New York there were 
seven members of the legislature who preferred Mr. 
Choate, and voted accordingly. They all died ; not one 
of them passed the renomination caucus guillotine. 
This power to kill at the threshold of nomination would 
be held over the head of every member of the legisla- 
ture of either party who dared to favor a measure which 
would transfer the nominations from the delegate con- 
vention to petition by the people. But there is this 
saving fact which should not be overlooked, that if the 
law is passed neither Platt nor Croker can thereafter 


behead its advocates in the primaries. Their power to 
kill by preventing nomination would be gone, and so 
the success of such a measure would carry with it the 
self -protection of its supporters. 

If the republican party, with the endorsement of 
the national administration, would favor such a propo- 
sition, nothing could prevent its becoming a law in New 
York state before next March. With such a law, plac- 
ing the nominating machinery in the hands of the 
people, the work of clean politics and real progress in 
municipal government would have begun, and once 
fairly established in one or two large cities it would 
soon permeate the political machinery and methods of 
the whole nation. 


IN CRITICIZING the fallacy of the idea of government 
repression of profits, so prevalent in many of the social- 
istic movements, the Richmond (Va.) Times very sanely 
remarks : 

"It is the duty of government to open the way and give every 
opportunity and encouragement to human endeavor. If the government 
will do this, we shall continue to progress and improve, and be sure the 
results will take care of themselves." 

This is eminently sound doctrine. It furnishes the 
true line of demarcation between wholesome, protective 
public policy and coddling paternalism. It states the 
rational and scientific ground between a policy of doc- 
trinaire do-nothingism and socialism. Yes, it is the 
duty because it is the true function ' ' of government to 
open the way and give every opportunity and encour- 
agement " to individual endeavor, and, in order to give 
this encouragement, it must protect the opportunities for 
the endeavor of our own people to make the most of 
their possibilities. The Richmond Times sounds the 
note of true political science and wise public policy. 

MR. ANDREW CARNEGIE'S promised contribution of 
three million dollars to build and endow a technical 
institute at Pittsburg is another mark to his credit. 
This makes about fifteen millions Mr. Carnegie has 
contributed to public libraries and other educational 
opportunities for the non-collegiate class. Now if some- 
body will endow an institute for systematic industrial 
and political education, through local classes, home 
studies and lecture courses, with a permanent home in 
New York and, ultimately, branches in the leading 
cities, the real educational work of the twentieth cen- 


60 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [January, 

tury will have begun. There are persons of great 
wealth who could well afford and would be glad to aid 
in such work if they only realized its importance and 
necessity. Peter Cooper did his work well ; Mr. Car- 
negie is making effective contributions to the prepara- 
tory work in this field, and the university settlement 
movement is also doing good work in breaking the 
ground. The time is now ripe for a well-equipped, 
constructive institution which shall systematically con- 
duct this educational work throughout the country. 

THE CITY of Haverhill, Massachusetts, for two years 
has had a socialist for mayor. His election was re- 
garded as a significant political event and the experi- 
ment has been watched with interest. The outcome is 
that after two years the people of Haverhill, like the 
people of Kansas in their experiment with populism, 
have had enough. A republican mayor has been 
elected by nearly one thousand majority over a combi- 
nation of socialists and democrats put together. Vaga- 
ries are good to catch popular applause, but they are 
usually disappointing in practice, and this is a very 
practical world. When we get to them we find that 
single-taxers, populists and socialists, in their interests 
and daily action, are wonderfully like other people. 
Such experiments do but emphasize the fact that, after 
all, society is not to be suddenly made over by fantastic 
ideals, but the improvements must come, if at all, by 
development and expansion along the same lines by 
which all the progress of the past has come. Idealism 
is not to be inaugurated by electing a populist governor 
or a socialist mayor, but by gradually improving the 
conditions which lead to the development of the char- 
acter and raise the standard of life of the people. It 
is not miracles but progress that is wanted. 


THE Jacksonville (Fla.) Times takes exception to our 
criticism of the democracy in posing as the friend of 
full political rights of the colored people in the Philip- 
pines while suppressing those of the colored people in 
the South. But really, its tone is so moderate and its 
spirit so fair that we feel like apologizing though plead- 
ing not guilty. ' 'We grant, " it says, * * that logic is on the 
side of our opponents we claim that all precedent and 
experience sustains our position." Then, after ably 
arguing that fitness is " a prerequisite in citizenship," 
it says : 

"Let us pass out of the atmosphere of the campaign and talk seri- 
ously and sensibly among ourselves. The South would gladly surrender 
whatever strength in congress might be necessary to lay the specter that 
has afflicted our land all these years republicans have the power to de- 
mand this if they choose, but no man who has an interest in the South 
could see without apprehension any proof that the administration de- 
signed to bring back the rule of ignorance and prejudice to a great and 
growing section of the union. " 

Here the Jacksonville Times is assuredly right. Its 
position is sound theory and good practice. If the 
South would take its stand squarely upon some scheme 
of fitness for citizenship and apply it alike to all its 
people, and voluntarily accept representation in con- 
gress upon the constitutional basis of its voting popula- 
tion, it would at once put itself beyond criticism and 
command the endorsement and cooperation of the en- 
tire nation. The Jacksonville Times has sounded the 
true note. With such a policy, prejudice would soon 
disappear and the industrial prosperity of the South 
would take on even greater stimulus. 

A CONCERN in Trenton, New Jersey, which employs 
some 200 young women making cigars, has adopted the 
novel experiment of furnishing music for them to work 
by. A grand piano is placed in the work-room, a com- 
petent pianist employed to furnish music two hours 


each day, and a music teacher is hired by the firm to 
furnish singing lessons free to the operatives during the 
noon hour. The hope of the management is that this 
will render thejlabor of the women less monotonous and 
help to stimulate good feeling for their employers and 
something of refined taste which shall show itself in 
their domestic lives. It is a little on the plan of the 
National . Cash Register Company in Dayton, Ohio, 
which provides facilities for the operatives to take 
recreation, baths, etc., in the company's time. What- 
ever the practical outcome of such departures, they 
show that the tendency has actually set in among em- 
ployers to do something for their work-people besides 
exacting the maximum work for the minimum pay. 
Every experiment of this kind is an indication of a 
better spirit toward laborers, which will ultimately 
bring better economic relations between labor and 
capital. When employers, of their own volition, begin 
to furnish recreation and music, we may reasonably 
hope that the opposition of the employing class to 
shortening the working day, securing ample oppor- 
tunities for education for working children, and protec- 
tion against accidents, will soon disappear, and a 
general system of old-age and accident insurance for 
laborers will receive their active encouragement. 

IN A CLEVER article on democracy and panic, the 
Savannah (Ga.) News comes to the rescue of the New 
York Times in its effort to shield the Cleveland admin- 
istration from the responsibilities of the panic of 1893. 
After quoting our statement that : ' ' Of course it was 
not what Mr. Cleveland did, it was what it was feared 
he would do that ushered in the panic. The panic came 
ahead of him, but it came because it was known he was 
coming with disruption in his hands," the News says: 


" But is it not rather true that the public doubted the ability of the 
government to continue for an indefinite period the purchase of dollars 
for 100 cents that only worth 67 ? We think so." 

This could hardly have been the case, because, as 
a matter of fact, the government was not ' ' purchasing 
dollars for 100 cents that were only worth 67." Under 
the Sherman law the government bought silver at the 
market bullion price, and at no time during the opera- 
tion of that law was silver 129 cents an ounce, which 
would be " 100 cents " in the dollar. Indeed, much of 
it was bought at less than $i an ounce, some of it as 
low as 73 cents. Nor was there any real doubt in the 
public mind on the subject. It was discussed a little in 
Wall Street, but it did not become a question of public 
agitation and popular concern until after the election. 
The Sherman law ought not to have been passed, and 
its repeal was a wise step, but there is no ground for 
attributing the panic to that law. Probably it would 
have created a panic just as easily as did the threat of 
free trade, if the public had become frightened regard- 
ing it, but the fact is the public did not become fright- 
ened at it and consequently it had practically no pan- 
icky effect. The panic was the result of fear, and the 
threat against the tariff, whether well grounded or not, 
was what caused the fear. 

INDICATIONS ARE beginning to appear that Mr. 
Odell is not going to be exactly a "Me too" governor 
of New York. It was taken for granted by many, and 
apparently by Senator Platt, that Mr. Odell would 
remember his creator in the days of his youth and take 
his "orders" without too much explanation. On this 
assumption, immediately after the election Mr. Platt 
announced with great assurance that certain things 
would occur : Mr. Aldridge would be reinstated at the 
head of the public works department, and a state con- 


stabulary bill would be " promptly passed." These 
announcements, like his recent statement that Mr. 
Bidwell would not be removed "while I live," were 
made with as much assurance as if he alone were to be 
consulted. But something seems to have occurred. 
Mr. Odell is beginning to act as if it were he and not 
Senator Platt that was elected governor, and to the 
surprise of Mr. Platt he has already indicated that Mr. 
Aldridge cannot be reinstated, but that Governor Roose- 
velt's appointment of John N. Partridge will be sus- 
tained. And, as if something serious had occurred 
behind the scenes, Senator Platt has suddenly discov- 
ered that a state constabulary bill will not be passed. 
With all this awakening to wisdom who knows but what 
Mr. Platt may yet discover that he is not president of 
the United States, and that after all it was William 
McKinley who was voted for at the last national election. 
Mr. Platt once before mistook himself for the president 
of the United States, and that too was about the collect - 
orship of the port of New York. The people of New 
York did not share his hallucination and it took him 
fifteen years to recover from the shock. He is some- 
what older now and may be wiser by the experience, 
but whether he recognizes it or not it is quite clear that 
the people are now in no mood to brook his dictator- 
ship, either in New York city, Albany or Washington. 

IT SOMETIMES seems as if it were impossible for a 
certain class of journals to approach anything bearing 
on protection without losing their reason. In discuss- 
ing the ship subsidy bill, the New York Times says : 

" The whole theory of the ship subsidy bill is that Americans cannot 
compete with Englishmen or Germans in building and running ships. 
If any American were told that he was inferior in brains, energy, and 
business ability to the average Englishman or German, he would resent 
the statement as an insult. . . . Why is it that the confidence in 
himself and respect for himself which is so strong in each American 
seems to vanish when the question of aid from the government is raised?" 


The Times seems not to know that the ability of 
manufacturing industries in one country to compete 
with those in another does not depend alone upon their 
energy and business ability ; it depends on a great 
many other things over which the managers personally 
have no control. For instance, the civilization of the 
United States absolutely prevents American shipbuild- 
ers from procuring labor at the same cost as English 
and German shipbuilders. That item alone might ren- 
der it impossible for Americans to compete with the 
English or Germans though they were not in the least 
" inferior," etc., and might even be superior. 

But there is one simple fact that conclusively an- 
swers this superficial and essentially false statement of 
the case. American shipbuilders have not been able to 
compete with English and German shipbuilders though 
they are admittedly equal or superior "in brains, 
energy, and business ability." Then manifestly there 
is some other cause that prevents their success. If they 
could compete they surely would. It is out of no feel- 
ing of philanthropy that they permit 95 per cent, of 
our commerce to be carried in foreign bottoms. Why 
do people who reason sanely and even profoundly on 
other subjects seem so silly when they come to this? 
As if it implied a lack of "confidence in himself and 
respect for himself" for an American manufacturer to 
admit that he cannot compete with an English or Ger- 
man competitor when he is handicapped by some 
adverse economic conditions ! Such talk is not reason- 
ing ; it neither enlightens the people nor reflects credit 
upon those who make use of it. It ignores the entire 
economic element in the protective theory. The ship- 
ping bill may not be a good bill, it certainly is not the 
best method of protecting our shipping industry, but 
such stilted, cock-sure, half-charged arguments will 
never correct the error. 


In the October number of GUNTON'S MAGAZINE 
certain comments were made upon the action of the 
school authorities in New Orleans regarding negro 
education, which have given rise to considerable dis- 
cussion. The portion of our comment that has been 
chiefly selected for adverse criticism is the following : 

"New Orleans has decided to discontinue all 
grammar-school education for colored children and 
admit them to nothing above the primary grade. 
Following so closely on the heels of the anti-negro 
riots in that city, with the burning of the extensive and 
expensive Lafon school, built by a negro for the educa- 
tion of negroes, this is particularly discouraging. It is 
in line with the increasing tendency in the South, first, 
to provide an educational test for negroes at the polls ; 
second, to restrict their educational opportunities so 
that they will never be able to meet that test, thus 
making disfranchisement as universal as possible." 

Commenting upon this, the New Orleans Picayune 
said editorially, in its issue of October 26th : 

' ' It would be difficult to find in any pretended 
statement of facts such an assemblage of falsehoods. 
There is but one fact in the entire declaration, and that 
is that the Lafon school was burned during an anti- 
negro disturbance in this city. 

"Feeling assured that GUNTON'S only wishes to 
state facts in this as in every other matter, and that its 
expressions as given above were made in good faith on 
information supposed to be reliable, the Picayune will 
briefly state the facts in the case. 

" In the first place, the New Orleans school board, 
which is vested by law to administer the schools of this 


city, has never decided to discontinue grammar-school 
education for negroes. On the contrary, the school 
system remains just as it has been for years, with both 
primary and grammar schools for colored pupils, as 
well as white, but separate from the white schools. 
The state of Louisiana also maintains in New Orleans 
the Southern University, for the higher education of 
colored people. There has never been any action by 
the school board, or by any other official organization 
in this city, discontinuing or closing the grammar 
schools for negroes. 

"As to the Lafon school, the facts are that it was 
not built by a negro for the education of negroes, but 
was erected and established by the city of New Orleans 
for the education of negroes. The only way in which 
the school was associated with Thorny Lafon was that 
it was named by the city in his honor. Lafon was a 
colored man who had amassed a considerable fortune, 
which, by his will, was in large part left to charities, 
such as orphan asylums, hospitals, homes for the indi- 
gent aged and the like. While his bequests were 
chiefly left to institutions for the benefit of persons of 
his race, this was not entirely the case, for several 
bequests went to similar institutions for whites, but 
mainly to the Charity Hospital, where the sick and 
wounded of all races and colors are cared for. 

" Now that the premises upon which GuNTON'shas 
based its line of argument against the white people 
of New Orleans have been proven false, the entire 
argument itself falls to the ground." 

GUNTON'S MAGAZINE has no desire to misrepresent 
or unfairly criticize the conditions existing or policies 
adopted in any city or section of the country. On the 
contrary, it is anxious at all times to present the exact 
facts and discuss them with entir : fairness. 

Therefore, in the light of the Picayune s denial, we 


have taken the pains to write to several reputable 
authorities in the city of New Orleans to obtain addi- 
tional testimony upon the subject. We have the follow- 
ing in reply, from Mr. William Beer, Librarian of the 
Howard Memorial Library, New Orleans : 

"On interviewing the authorities of the school 
board I find that the only change that has been effected 
in the education of the colored children in this city has 
been to suppress the sixth, seventh and eighth grades, 
and increase the space and teaching power dedicated to 
the first five grades. It was found by experience that 
colored children who had passed through the earlier 
grades preferred to enter the earlier classes of the four 
universities for colored people in this city. Of these, 
one is supported by the state ; consequently it came 
about that the space and teaching power in the higher 
grades of public schools was so little used that the per 
capita expense became abnormally high. The result 
has been that almost double the number of colored 
children are receiving the benefit of education in the 
public schools, and are being prepared for the higher 
education which they will obtain either in the state 
university for colored people, or in three other univer- 
sities supported for their benefit. The Lafon school 
was, as the article shows, only a name.'' 

We have also received thus far one other reply, 
from Mrs. Julia Truitt Bishop, literary editor of the 
Daily Item, one of New Orleans' oldest journals, and 
which describes itself as politically independent. Mrs. 
Bishop interviewed Superintendent Easton of the pub- 
lic schools, and makes the following statement : 

"In the colored public schools, the sixth, seventh 
and eighth grades have been cut out by the board for 
the reason of the small attendance in those grades. 
Superintendent Easton says, that it is probable the 
board will restore the grades when negroes show a 


disposition to take advantage of them. In the mean- 
time there are four negro universities in the city, one 
of which is free, and those who are anxious for a higher 
education have this recourse." 

It appears, therefore, that our original statement 
was not a misrepresentation so far as concerns the fact 
of negro education in the grammar grades having been 
discontinued in New Orleans. The reasons assigned 
for the change, in the letters above published, may be 
entirely sufficient, but this is no adequate reason why 
the Picayune, which is looked upon in the North as the 
representative New Orleans organ of public opinion, 
should flatly deny the facts in the case and accuse 
northern journals of deliberate falsification when they 
state these facts. If the Picayune had frankly admitted 
the discontinuance of negro education in the higher 
grades, and proceeded to defend it along the lines 
stated in Mr. Beer's letter, it would have been a con- 
tribution to public information on the subject and 
avoided the unpleasant appearance of seeking to cover 
up an indefensible policy. Conceding the situation to 
be as stated by Mr. Beer, there is no reason why the 
Picayune should not have discussed it in the same way. 
A flat denial, under such circumstances, invariably cre- 
ates the suspicion that there is a side to the case not 
fully and fairly presented. Neither the New Orleans 
press nor that of the South in general will find it easy 
to convince northern people of the integrity and fair- 
ness of southern policy as to negro education, when 
northern criticisms are met by wholesale denial of facts, 
coupled with something bordering very close on abuse, 
instead of by temperate argument and discussion of the 
true situation. 

If, as is stated by Mr. Beer, the upper grades have 
been closed because of the light attendance, and more 
opportunities offered in the lower grades, while higher 


education for negroes is furnished by four universities, 
we can see little ground for criticism of this rearrange- 
ment on the part of the New Orleans school board. 
The only reason for suspecting that there may be an 
unrevealed side of the case is the fact of the Picayune s 
denial that any change at all has been made. 

We took occasion not long ago to commend in the 
strongest terms the new policy of municipal improve- 
ment in New Orleans, involving a rate of expenditure, 
for a long time to come, hardly to be matched by any 
other city in the country. We have no desire to mis- 
represent the attitude of the city towards the negro 
problem. Whether it is precisely true that the attend- 
ance of negroes in the higher grades of the grammar 
schools is so light that to discontinue these grades was 
wise policy is a question of fact upon which probably 
neither Mr. Beer nor Mrs. Bishop undertook to get 
positive information. It may be that the new step was 
designed, as is claimed, to distribute more effectively 
the opportunities for negro education in the city, and 
if so we are glad to withdraw our criticism. But it 
could be wished that the general and traditional south- 
ern policy towards the negro, politically, educa- 
tionally and industrially, were such as to warrant 
more complete confidence in the justice and necessity 
of a step which, on its face at least, is a withdrawal of 
an educational opportunity. 



Miss Helen Gould has many private charities of 
which the public rarely hears. Of these the one that 
interests her most no doubt is Woody Crest, her fresh- 
air home and school for the children of the poor, at 
Tarrytown, New York. The home is only about a 
mile from her own country house, Lyndhurst, and is 
one of those square, solid stone mansions with broad 
piazza, wide hall and high ceilings which the Dutch 
settlers were in the habit of rearing a century ago. It 
stands on the crest of a wooded hill, one of the range 
which divides the valley of the Hudson from that of 
the Saw Mill River, and about two miles distant from 
either. The view from its front porch is superb : rich 
intervales green with grass and springing wheat and 
shaded by groves clad in the crimson and scarlet of 
autumn are at one's feet ; while farther away flows the 
silver tide of the Hudson with dark mountains for a 
background. Miss Gould bought the house, with thir- 
teen acres of land surrounding it, in 1893, and at once 
organized her beautiful charity. Its practical working 
is best described in the words of Miss Miriam Jagger, 
the matron in charge : 

" Our fresh-air work begins on June ist. Eighteen 
crippled girls, selected by the visiting physician of the 
Hospital for the Ruptured and Crippled, are entertained 
during June. July, August and September are devoted 
to children, both boys and girls, from the Sunday- 
schools of the New York city mission, who are chosen 
by its missionaries. Each company of eighteen stays 



two weeks and is succeeded by a fresh one. The chil- 
dren range in age from six to twelve years, and a mis- 
sionary accompanies them in order that they may not 
feel themselves wholly among strangers. The last two 
weeks in September we take working boys over four- 
teen, who are obliged to work to help maintain their 
families and who could not afford a vacation at their 
own expense, while the last two weeks in September 
are given up to babies from the day nurseries of New 

"It is a fortunate child that comes to this breezy 
home from the stifling heat of the tenements, and the 
two weeks spent here usually give them a new lease of 
life. Everything they get is of the best. We raise 
our own vegetables both for winter and summer, of 
every variety. The milk farm of the estate, with its 
herd of thirty Jersey cows, adjoins us, and I send the 
coachman down every morning with a requisition for 
what is wanted. The children have fresh milk three 
times a day. We have a gardener, a second man, a 
coachman and three horses. Every afternoon the chil- 
dren are taken to drive. Last summer the boys were 
driven to the Hudson, to Miss Gould's private dock, to 
swim. Then the Gould estate extends back nearly to 
the Saw Mill River, much of it beautiful forests, high 
timber, all of it free to us, and we take the children 
through it on long rambles, instructing them in nature 
studies. They tell their parents when they go back 
that it seemed like heaven up here. A public-school 
teacher in the city writes me that one of our boys, who 
n her class, is doing splendidly this year, and she 
attributes it to the health and strength gained with us. 

" I do not consider the fresh-air work the most 
important, however,*' Miss Jagger continued. "Our 
winter school for boys is more so. This begins on 
November ist and ends June ist. We teach the com- 


mon English U ! ranches and manual training. This 
winter we have sixteen boys. The well boys are 
selected by the superintendent of the city mission, 
Mrs. J. L. Bainbridge, who takes her missionaries into 
consultation, and they select boys who are ailing and 
need country air, or who cannot find a place in the 
public schools, or who are orphaned with no home but 
the streets. The lame and crippled boys are selected 
by the visiting physician of the Hospital for the Rup- 
tured and Crippled. 

" We are quite proud of our class in manual train- 
ing, under the care of Miss M. Buck, who teaches in 
the best schools in New York city. She assures us it 
is the best class she has in her work. Paper-work or 
basket-work is given them first, then sloyd, then carv- 
ing, then iron-work. Here are some of the articles 
they have made." 

Miss Jagger opened the door of the old-fashioned 
china closet in the corner of the room and displayed 
quite a variety of articles of excellent workmanship ; 
indeed a skilled handicraftsman might have been proud 
of them. There were paper boxes in great variety of 
form and color, carved wood-work of various designs, 
and a number of examples of ornamental iron-work, 
as photograph holders, thermometer frames, paper- 
weights, etc. 

The students edit and publish a monthly paper, 
The Woody Crest Monthly, the subscription price of which 
is twenty-five cents. Formerly, type for this was set 
up and the paper printed by the manual-training class, 
but the compositor and printer, Edward Tape, a lad of 
great promise, died in December, 1898, and there has 
since been no one to take his place. 

It is the intention to build a large addition next 
summer and materially increase the capacity of the 


German Germany is not only the pioneer but 

Industrial probably the leader, to-day, in technical 

Education industrial education. A considerable 

portion of German success in foreign trade competition 
may be credited to this cause, although its influence 
has been much overestimated in certain quarters. The 
fact of possessing practically the equivalent of the best 
machinery, operated J)y lower- wage labor, is the chief 
reason why Germany has been able to compete, not only 
with England in foreign markets, but in the English 
market itself. 

The newest proposed step in German industrial 
and commercial education is a commercial university at 
Hamburg. For the present it will confine itself to 
such scientific subjects as bear directly upon commerce, 
but an effort is to be made to induce large industrial 
works to cooperate with the new institution and make 
it possible for students to obtain practical industrial 
experience which theoretical training does not fur- 

Berlin also will probably soon have a higher com- 
mercial school, one of the special features of which will 
be the study of English, as 33 per cent, of Germany's 
export trade goes to England and her colonies and the 
United States. The Prussian government is giving 
much attention to the increasing demand for technical 
training. The amount set apart for this purpose has 
been increased nearly 75 percent, in four years, but, as 
this is still considered insufficient, a special committee 
has been appointed to see how the appropriation can be 
further augmented. 



If we are to have the Philippine problem 
Educating permanently on our hands, its ultimate 

solution will come, not by force, but 
through the slow in- working of industrial and educa- 
tional influences. Like the bringing of one thousand 
Cuban teachers to Harvard last summer, the recently 
started movement to educate young Filipinos in the 
United States is in the right direction. Already, two 
of our leading universities, Yale and Columbia, have 
each offered free tuition to five Filipinos. Of course, 
the obvious defect in this plan is the possibility, even 
probability, that these young men when once trained in 
American ideas and familiarized with American oppor- 
tunities will decline to return and work among their 
own people, and there is no law that could compel 
them to do so. The really effective step would be to 
establish a university on American lines, right in the 
Philippines. This would be a center of civilizing influ- 
ence placed exactly in the spot where the need exists. 
What we now spend every three or four weeks on 
bayonet civilization in the Philippines would build and 
equip a fine institution of learning in Manila, and this 
is not to say that we can or ought, having come thus 
far, to stop short of suppressing the insurrection. It 
simply means that when peace is restored, if ever it is, 
the same moral obligation that is now supposed to 
justify our military expenditures will apply even more 
forcibly to the furnishing of liberal opportunities for 
the development of as high a state of civilization as 
tropical conditions will permit. 

Meager School Tne re P rt of M. G. Brumbaugh, COm- 
Facilities in missioner of education for Porto Rico, is 
Porto Rico virtually a strong plea for more teachers, 
better facilities and better systems in the island. The 
present facilities only provide for 88,000 students, leav- 


ing 300,000 children of school age without means of 
securing an education. Small as the number of en- 
rolled students is, it is far too great for the number of 
teachers, the average being only one teacher for more 
than 100 pupils. Such a proportion makes good work 

The report states that Porto Rico contains no pub- 
lic school buildings and no public colleges or universi- 
ties ; 80 per cent, of the people are illiterate, while 
thousands of children are half -clothed, half -housed and 
half -fed. There are now over 100 American teachers 
and more are demanded, provided they can teach Span- 
ish and are in earnest, not mere seekers after novelty. 
Commissioner Brumbaugh's report is a reflection, in 
certain respects, on the work of his predecessor, Gen- 
eral Eaton, who was the first commissioner of education 
under American rule, and is naturally criticized by 
friends of the latter as being exaggerated and unfair. 
It may be that sufficient recognition is not given to the 
improvements started by General Eaton, but there is 
little reason to doubt the substantial accuracy of Com- 
missioner Brumbaugh's statement of the existing con- 
ditions. They may be much better than under Spanish 
rule and still be very bad indeed ; it is hard to imagine 
what a school system can be with no public school 
buildings. How the Porto Rican legislature deals with 
this problem will be an interesting test of its capacity 
to exercise the powers of government. 

Why the teachers in the public schools 

EngHsh Tongue! of New York cit y should be directed to 
reduce the amount of time devoted to the 
teaching of English grammar is one of the things that, 
on the surface at least, is beyond comprehension. If 
the object is to permit a larger attention to the study 
of English by more approved methods than formal con- 


ning of text-books on grammar, then without doubt the 
course of wisdom has been adopted. But if the time 
taken from grammar is to be given to anything except 
English, it is a mistake, regardless of what the subjects 
are that will take its place. 

If there is any one subject in which American 
school children are deficient it is the proper use of the 
English language. How anybody, who overhears the 
average conversation of a crowd of average school boys, 
can come away with anything but the sort of feeling he 
would have after witnessing a murder, is incomprehen- 
sible except on the theory that the man is himself a 
regular perpetrator of linguistic crimes. Fortunately, 
there are many exceptions among school boys on the 
side of good clean speech, but, in the large cities es- 
pecially, the English language in the mouths of school 
boys is largely one is tempted to say chiefly an out- 
pouring of vulgar slang, barbaric sentence construction, 
and pronunciation so drawling and slovenly that the 
street gamin's influence is apparently proved far more 
powerful than anything brought to bear in the school- 
room. It may be that formal grammar study is being 
discarded as bad in method, but, if any change is to be 
made in the time devoted to English, double it! To re- 
duce it would be a crime. 

The retirement of Daniel C. Oilman from 

Dr. Oilman and ^ . , .. T , 

Johns Hopkins the presidency of Johns Hopkins Univer- 
sity, because of advanced age, has again 
brought into prominence the extraordinary nature of 
his service to American educational progress. Perhaps 
no other educational institution in the country has 
stood so conspicuously for high standards of research 
and instruction, in preference to imposing buildings 
and numberless "fad" courses, as has Johns Hopkins 
under President Oilman's direction during the last 


quarter of a century. It is probably true, as the Phila- 
delphia Press says in the course of an able editorial on 
the subject, that no institution with means so small has 
exercised so large an influence in shaping educational 
methods and elevating educational standards in this 
country. The custom of issuing university publica- 
tions, containing the results of the original research of 
experts, which has now become a feature of nearly all 
our universities, originated at Johns Hopkins ; and, al- 
though these publications never do and never will have 
a popular character or influence, their service in afford- 
ing a constant test of educational methods and the 
character of current instruction, conveying to all col- 
leges and universities the results of the best work that 
is being done anywhere, has been and is of the highest 
importance. Dr. Oilman's long association with Johns 
Hopkins (he became president in 1875) has so identified 
him with the institution that it will be hard to think of 
anyone else in his place. Probably the man best fitted 
to succeed him, to carry on the work in the same spirit 
and with full appreciation of its high purpose, is Pro- 
fessor H. B. Adams, head of the department of histori- 
cal and political science in Johns Hopkins. It is en- 
couraging to note that Professor Adams is the man who 
is now being most prominently mentioned for the place. 


This department belongs to our readers, and offers them full oppor- 
tunity to "talk back" to the editor, give information, discuss topics or 
ask questions on subjects within the field covered by GUNTON'S MAGA- 
ZINE. All communications, whether letters for publication or inquiries 
for the " Question Box," must be accompanied by the full name and ad- 
dress of the writer. This is not required for publication, if the writer 
objects, but as evidence of good faith. Anonymous correspondents are 


Ethnology at the Pan-American Exposition 


Dear Sir: I would be very glad if you would call 
the attention of your readers to the department of eth- 
nology and archaeology of the Pan-American Exposi- 
tion. The exposition has provided a circular building 
128 feet in diameter and has also arranged for a * Six 
Nation " Indian exhibit on the grounds with a represen- 
tation of the typical " Long House " of the Iroquoisand 
an attendance of some sixty Indians who will be en- 
gaged in such industries as basket-making, wood-work, 
etc. As these Indians are pagans and have preserved 
to a great degree their ancient customs, they will cele- 
brate in appropriate seasons their various thanksgiving 
festivals, dances and other rites. 

It is not too early to assure the public that the 
promises of such institutions as the American Museum 
of Natural History, The Peabody Museum, University 
of Pennsylvania, University of Chicago and the Buffalo 
Society of Natural Sciences, as well as the friendly co- 
operation of the ministers of the South American 
republics, guarantee the success of this department. At 
the same time, there is always room for more, and, as 



the aim of this department is not so much to get togeth- 
er a large miscellaneous collection of relics as to afford 
a means of popular instruction in American archaeology, 
it is desired that students from all parts of the country 
shall send on exhibits or memoranda descriptive of re- 
sults obtained in their special fields of labor. For ex- 
ample, one exhibit will show the animals domesticated 
by the aborigines of the western continent and will ex- 
plain why the lack of large useful animals capable of 
domestication hampered the development of civilization 
in the new world. 

Through the cooperation of the department of 
agriculture and horticulture, exhibits will be made of 
the plants cultivated in both North and South America 
before the discovery. 

One point we would like to have made perfectly 
clear, namely, that mercenary collectors will not find 
the Pan-American Exposition a source of revenue, 
although there would be no objection to a modest ad- 
vertisement placed in a case of relics which are other- 
wise of scientific value. 

A. L. BENEDICT, Buffalo, N. Y. 


Future of the Democratic Party 


DEAR SIR: In your lecture on "The Passing of 
Bryan," published in November, you said that it would 
1 ' probably be a long time before a person of Mr. Bry- 
an's stamp will again get possession of the democratic 

What signs are there of any new forces at work in 
that party? Can anybody tell what it stands for if 
Bryanism is taken out? What issue has it to rally 
round that the American people have not already buried 
beyond the hope of resurrection? For one I believe 
that, although Bryan may drop out, what is meant by 
Bryanism really represents whatever there is of oppo- 
sition to the principles and tendencies of the now 
dominant party in this country. Old issues are gone ; 
old party characteristics are being merged into new 
forms, and the issue of the future is going to be sharply 
drawn in a deadly struggle ; vested interests and indi- 
vidualism on the one side, against socialism on the 
other. R. P. E. 

Our correspondent has stated the case well. Bryan 
may be gone probably he is, but the ideas for which 
he stood are by no means gone. They may lull for a 
little while, especially if business prosperity continues, 
but with the first signs of business depression they will 
surely reappear. All the issues which rallied under 
the name of Bryanism were essentially of a socialistic 
character; they expressed different degrees of doubt 
and distrust of existing institutions ; they stood for 
social and political revolution. The struggle in the 



future, and it may be in the' immediate future, will 
indeed be a struggle between the right of individual 
initiative and some form of socialistic experiment. 
How deadly this struggle will be will depend largely 
upon the wisdom of the owners of wealth and organ- 
izers of industry on the one hand, and the informed 
intelligence of the masses on the other. The character 
of the struggle will largely depend upon how far social 
prejudice and class feeling among the laborers shall be 
superseded by knowledge and wholesome views on 
industrial relations and political policies. If the wis- 
dom of the wealthy is at all commensurate with their 
interests and their duty to society, they will recognize 
the importance of aiding the work of industrial and 
political education among the masses as the only source 
of safety for society against the havoc of disintegrating 
experiments with socialism. 

Is Civilization Decaying ? 


Dear Sir: The rapid growth of vice in our large 
cities is an evidence of dry-rot at the heart of our civi- 
lization, and brings to mind the beginning of Rome's 
degeneracy so forcibly that it is no wonder men tremble 
for the future of the republic. It is easy to be opti- 
mistic when these things are only in the stage of being 
merely signs and portents, but nobody in Rome realized 
what was coming until it actually came. In these days 
of fast living and chasing of money and pleasure, there 
is a decay of individual conscience and individual sense 
of strict morality. What can be done to turn the cur- 
rent before it is too late? M. H. 

The pessimism of our correspondent is unduly great. 
There is no ' ' evidence of dry-rot at the heart of our 
civilization. " The progressive forces in the community 

i 9 oi.] QUESTION BOX 83 

are neither dry nor rotten. The heart of our civiliza- 
tion is sound, our people as a whole are honest, their 
motives are upright, and their faith in progress is 
strong. There are some evidences of political corrup- 
tion and social impurity and industrial greed, but these 
are really but specks on the surface of a general whole- 
someness. We would not underrate the importance of 
eliminating these evidences of vice in various forms, 
but it is well to understand the case correctly and not 
mistake a few miscreants for all society. 

It is true that the most serious problems of the 
twentieth century will be municipal. While the cities 
are the seat of our civilization, they are also the birth- 
place of economic and political iniquities. The chief 
evil in the political methods of our cities is due, not to 
the depravity of the people, but to the imperfection of 
our political machinery. In the evolution of political 
freedom we have at last reached the point of protecting 
the vote of the citizen by the ballot, so that the evil 
which has been so conspicuous during the greater part 
of this century, of coercing and otherwise corruptly 
influencing elections, has substantially disappeared. 
The remnant of that corruption is now limited to the 
methods by which candidates for office are nominated, 
and very naturally that shows itself with the greatest 
force in large cities. The next step in political progress 
is to extend the secret ballot, which has given such 
security and protection to citizens at the polls, to the 
caucus machinery for nominations. The corruption 
to-day exists at the sources of nomination. There is 
where the buying and selling and trading is done. 
There is where the corruption is practised. There is 
where the office-holder is used as an instrument for 
corrupt manipulation by the bosses. The masses of 
the people are honest, and they protest against this, 
they are disgusted, and their disgust is making them 

84 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE \ January, 

indifferent, not because they share the evil but because 
it seems beyond their reach. The remedy for this is to 
substitute nominations by petition and secret ballot for 
the corruptible, patronage-packed, delegate conven- 
tions. Then the people will have the same power in 
nominating candidates for mayor that they have now in 
voting for them after they are nominated. With high- 
minded, characterful city officials, whose nomination 
as well as election is made by the free choice of the 
people, the jobbery, corruption and political vices now 
so conspicuous in city administrations would rapidly 

The Anti-Tammany Campaign 


Dear Sir: What do you regard as the most feasi- 
ble method of electing an anti-Tammany mayor in New 
York city? The citizens' union is again in the field, 
and so is the republican party. If they fail to come 
together, as they failed in 1897, the people will have to 
practically abandon one or the other organization if the 
city is to be saved. Which shall it be? L. A. S. 

There appears to be only one feasible method of 
electing an anti-Tammany mayor, and that is to organ- 
ize a municipal campaign and nominate a candidate out- 
side the strictly party lines. The citizens' union made 
a great many enemies by its blunders in 1897. It ar- 
rogantly asserted to itself the sole prerogative of con- 
ducting an anti-Tammany campaign, refusing definitely 
to associate or enter into any arrangement with the re- 
publicans. Such short-sighted egotism naturally pre- 
vented the republican organization from cooperating. 
This made unity of the anti-Tammany forces impossible, 
and hence there were three candidates and Van Wyck 
was elected. The citizens' union has learned some- 

i90i.] QUESTION BOX 85 

thing since then, and it is to be hoped the republican 
organization has learned something, but there is one 
thing manifest to all observers ; namely, that while the 
people of New York are disgusted with Tammany rule 
there is a very prevalent feeling that to transfer the ad- 
ministration of the city from Tammany under Croker 
to the republican organization under Platt would be 
very little if any improvement, at least that the im- 
provement would scarcely be worth the effort. In short, 
the best people of New York, and probably seventy-five 
per cent, of those who voted for McKinley, have no 
faith in the Platt organization. For this reason, any 
nomination for mayor in 1901 by the republican organ- 
ization, under any circumstances, means defeat. It 
must be general cooperation of all opposed to Tammany 
and under leadership other than the Platt organization 
or success will be impossible. Mr. Platt cannot lead a 
successful movement against Croker. The people will 
not follow him because they know, as the facts are now 
in hand, that Mr. Platt, if not personally then through 
his followers like Quigg and Bidwell, trades with Tam- 
many, and the people have no faith in leaders who trade 
with Tammany. Whether it is the citizens' union 
movement or another and more largely republican 
movement which shall make the campaign in 1901 
against Tammany, one thing is absolutely certain, that 
a successful contest cannot be made by the republican 

Southern Representation in Congress 


Dear Sir: On page 34 of the Lecture Bulletin for 
November isth the statement is made that: "The 
southern states have representation in congress to-day 
nearly one-third larger than they are entitled to be- 


cause of their suppression of the legal rights of colored 

I question the correctness of this statement. Is 
not representation based on population and not on 
voters? Will you kindly put me in the correct posi- 
tion on this statement? I have seen it made several 
times this fall but supposed it to be an oversight. 

J. M. G. 

It is true that representation is based on popula- 
tion rather than on the number of voters. The four- 
teenth amendment to the constitution of the United 
States, which covers this point, says: " Representa- 
tives shall be apportioned among the several states 
according to their respective numbers, counting the 
whole number of persons in each state, excluding 
Indians not taxed." 

But this same fourteenth amendment also provides 
for exactly such a situation as is now presented in the 
several southern states which have disfranchised the 
negro. Here is the provision : 

" But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of 
electors for president and vice-president of the United States, repre- 
sentatives in congress, the executive and judicial officers of a state, or 
the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male 
members of such state, being of twenty-one years of age, and citizens of 
the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in 
rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be re- 
duced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall 
bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in 
such state." 

There is no question, therefore, as to the propriety 
and even the constitutional obligation of reducing the 
representation of the southern states which have dis- 
franchised the negro. As a matter of fact, this applies 
not merely to Louisiana, Mississippi, North and South 
Carolina, but to practically all the southern states, for 
in no one of them- is negro suffrage much more than a 



farce. The extent to which the South has excess rep- 
resentation in congress is a question of fact only, and 
an approximate idea of it may be gained by comparison 
of recent population and election statistics. 

The 1900 census returns for total population are at 
hand, but the figures showing the number of males 
over 2 1 years of age have not yet appeared. We have 
these figures, however, for 1890, and it is fair to as- 
sume that the rate of increase in the total number of 
males over 2 1 and the number of colored males over 2 1 
has been substantially the same as the rate of increase 
in total population in the various states. The follow- 
ing table for the southern states shows the total num- 
ber of males over 21, estimated in this way, also the 
total vote cast for McKinley and Bryan this year, the 
difference between the total number of legal voters and 
those actually voting, the total estimated number of 
colored males over 21, and the percentage by which the 
legal voters outnumber those who actually voted : 


Males over 
21, in 1900 

Total Vote 
cast in 1900 
ing votes 

voters not 


Total male 
over 21, 
in IQOO 

Per cent, 
of excess, 
legal vot- 
ers over 

Alabama . 
Arkansas . 

129 ooo 


2C CQ6 

- 174,158 
QO J.Q1 

51 ooo 




Georgia . 
North Carolina 
South Carolina 
Tennessee . . 


7il OOO 


4.84. 800 




246 2OO 

139 ooo 




Virginia .... 






It will be seen, therefore, that taking these states 
as a whole, the number of possible voters is more like 
three times that of the actual voters than one-third 
more, as was stated in the Bulletin lecture to which our 
correspondent refers. 


Of course, nobody believes that the extraordinary 
discrepancy between the possible and the actual vote in 
these southern states is due entirely to the failure of 
the white people to vote. In some cases the difference 
between the possible and the actual vote is much larger 
than, even more than double, the entire number of 
negro voters, which allows a liberal margin for white 
non-voters and leads irresistibly to the conclusion that 
practically none of the negroes voted. 

Necessarily, the total vote cast in any election never 
equals the total number of possible voters, but nowhere 
else in this country is there anything approaching the 
remarkable discrepancies in the South. Even in Cuba, 
this year, in the first general election ever held, the 
registration was much larger in proportion to popula- 
tion than the vote in some of the southern states. The 
statement, therefore, that southern representation in 
congress is one-third larger than the conditions pre- 
scribed by the fourteenth amendment justify, is well 
within the facts. It would be conservative to say that 
the representation in several of these states is more 
than double what the constitution authorizes under the 
conditions there existing. 


1861. By Jesse Macy, A.M., LL.D. Half leather, 
316 pp., with bibliography and index. $1.25. The 
Macmillan Company, New York. 

The real distinction between factions, parties and 
propagandists is very seldom distinctly recognized. In- 
deed, it would be not far from the truth to say that they 
are commonly if not generally confused. Yet there is 
a real difference. Each pursues a different object and 
frequently exercises a different influence. When we 
confuse their functions we frequently misinterpret their 
object. This subject is ably discussed and clearly de- 
fined by Professor Macy in the little volume under con- 
sideration. In discussing modern political parties he 
defines a political party as a conscious organic agency 
of the people for the attainment of good government ; 
in other words, a conscious organization whose specific 
object is to transform public opinion into public policy. 

Professor Macy fixes the date for the advent of 
political parties at the passage of the first reform bill in 
England in 1832. We commonly speak of parties ex- 
isting in England from the reign of the Stuarts, and 
conspicuously after the revolution of 1688, but these 
the author explains as political factions. They differed 
from political parties in that they were in no sense 
organs of public opinion. They did not represent any 
public opinion ; they took no means to consult public 
opinion or to ascertain what public opinion was on any 
theme of current interest. They did sometimes stand 
for a certain policy as against the government, but in 
this they represented no expression of opinion by the 
country. They were for the most part small bands 


90 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [January, 

who, sometimes for good motives and sometimes not, 
struggled for a share in the administration, for the 
right to be near the throne, the chief reason being, it 
is needless to say, that nearness to the throne brought 
richer emoluments. 

The political party differs entirely from this in that 
it is an organized representative of external opinion, 
the opinion of some section at least of the public, and 
the object of the party is to transform that opinion into 

The propaganda group differs both from the fac- 
tion and the party in that it is a more or less organized 
body whose object is to create public opinion. It is not 
so much the representative of any section of public 
opinion as the proclaimer of an idea which it endeavors 
to convert into public opinion. Lincoln seems to have 
recognized this distinction, so well brought out by our 
author. When Wendell Phillips called on him during 
the war to remonstrate against his toleration of slavery, 
urging that Mr. Lincoln make abolition and not union 
merely the issue of the war, Lincoln replied : Your 
function and mine are different ; yours is to make pub- 
lic opinion, mine is to use it. You make public opinion 
in favor of abolition and I will use it as fast as you can 
make it. 

Professor Macy has not merely related the history of 
political parties in the United States, but he has dis- 
cussed the subject. Moreover, he has discussed it with 
a delightful clearness which makes the book at once 
instructive and interesting. It is a little book which 
contains a fund of information for young readers, and 
may be read with interest and profit by students. It 
discusses in a clear, concise manner the existence and 
work of factions in the evolution of political institutions 
and the preparation for the rise of responsible political 
parties. Its account of the origin, character and devel- 

i 9 oi.j BOOK REVIEWS 91 

opment of political parties in this country is full enough 
to be clear and interesting, and brief enough not to be 
tedious. It brings the history down to the war. It is 
an excellent contribution to the discussion as well as to 
the history of the subject. 

SOURI. By Frederick N. Judson, of the St. Louis bar. 
Cloth, 358 pp. E. W. Stephens, Publisher, Columbia, 

Mr. Judson prepared this volume because he felt 
strongly impressed with the fact that before citizens 
can demand reform in taxation they must know what it 
is, how it has been developed and how it has been en- 
forced. The result is not a general treatise on taxation 
but a history of taxation in Missouri, the present 
system and proposed amendments. 

In discussing the presenj; system Mr. Judson points 
out its effective and ineffective features, some of the 
former being the valuation of such properties as are of 
an interstate character by a central state authority, the 
assessing of the shares of stock of banks, trust com- 
panies and domestic insurance companies, and the 
method of collecting delinquent taxes. Among the 
inefficient features are found inequality of taxation, 
direct personal taxation and double taxation. The 
separation of the sources of state and local revenue as 
a remedy for unequal taxation, and adoption of an in- 
heritance tax as an effective method of reaching per- 
sonal property, are some of the changes suggested. 
Although inheritance taxes are taxes on personal prop- 
erty, Mr. Judson seems fully to appreciate the fact that 
modern scientific investigation of taxation is resulting 
in an almost universal trend of the best opinion away 
from any further efforts at personal direct taxation. 
Taxes levied on real property only, as near as possible 


to the sources of production, are most equitably dis- 
tributed throughout the community, and reach the 
owners of personal investments far more certainly and 
uniformly by this indirect method than by any direct 
forms of personal property taxation ever devised. 

Charles J. Bullock, Ph. D. Half leather, 273 pp., with 
bibliography and brief index. The Macmillan Com- 
pany, New York. 

If one takes up this book with the idea that it is a 
consecutive history of the monetary system of the United 
States he will be disappointed. It is really three essays 
or lectures, put together in book form. The first is a 
brief review of the monetary experience of the United 
States, covering three centuries. Although this 
survey of monetary history is crowded into 121 pages, 
it contains a good deal of information upon the sub- 
ject, and withal there is a streak of sound banking 
doctrine running through it. 

The second paper is a history of paper currency in 
North Carolina and the third is on the history of paper 
currency in New Hampshire. Both of these essays are 
confined to the colonial era. Much of the matter, how- 
ever, in these essays is of interest only to investigators 
who desire early data, and shed little if any light upon 
modern monetary questions. The author has taken 
great pains in giving frequent and sometimes copious 
foot-note references. It is, in short, a contribution to 
early data upon the subject, which evidently involved 
painstaking effort, and as such it is a creditable product. 

THE ENGLISH SENTENCE. By Lillian G. Kimball, 
instructor in English, State Normal School, Oshkosh, 
Wisconsin. Cloth, i2mo, 244 pp., 75 cents. American 
Book Company, New York. 

i 9 oi.] BOOK REVIEWS 93 

This book, which is intended as a continuation of 
grammar study, ought speedily to find a place in the 
high schools and normal schools for which it is in- 
tended. The style is so easy and natural that the book 
is readable as well as instructive. Its object is the 
analysis af the English sentence in relation to the 
thought embodied. This takes the study of grammar 
out of the realm of rules and definitions only, gives it 
life and meaning, and trains the student to interpret 
the speech of others and give correct expression to his 
own ideas. 

The sentences for analysis have been chosen from 
the writings of reputable authors of the present 
century. No attempt is made to criticize the sentence 
structure, the object of the analysis being to determine 
the efficiency of the sentences in conveying thought to 
the mind of the reader. 

TIONS. By George Howard Opdyke, M.A. Cloth, 271 
pp. Laird & Lee, Publishers, Chicago, Illinois. 

This compilation shows a careful selection from 
the most important collections in all languages, and a 
classification quite different from the usual order of 
such works. An alphabetical arrangement by subjects 
has been adopted which weaves the proverbs into 
essays, making the book readable as well as useful for 

Disraeli said : "There seems to be no occurrence 
in human affairs to which some proverb may not be 
applied," and, judging from the variety of topics 
covered in this volume, he would seem to have been 
very nearly right. 



Spencer and Spencerism. By Hector Macpherson, 
author of "Thomas Carlyle," and "Adam Smith." 
Cloth, 241 pp., $1.25. Doubleday, Page & Co., New 

The History of Colonization. From the Earliest 
Times to the Present Day. By Henry C. Morris. 2 
vols., crown 8vo, cloth, gilt tops, 459-383 pp., $4. 
The Macmillan Company, New York. 

Jesus Christ and the Social Question. An Examina- 
tion of the Teaching of Jesus in its Relation to some 
of the Problems of Modern Life. By Francis Green- 
wood Peabody, Plummer professor of Christian morals 
in Harvard University. The Macmillan Company, 
New York. 

The Settlement after the War in South Africa. By 
M. J. Farrelly, LL.D., barrister at law, advocate of the 
supreme court of Cape Colony. 8vo, cloth. 321 pp., $4. 
The Macmillan Company, New York. 

The Venetian Republic: Its Rise, its Growth, and its 
Fall. 421-1797. By W. Carew Hazlitt. 8vo, cloth, 
gilt tops, maps, 2 vols., 814-815 pp., $12. The Mac- 
millan Company, New York. 

The United States Naval Academy. By Park Benja- 
min, of the class of 1867. 494 pp., $3.50. A history 
of the evolution of the American navy. With 70 illus- 
trations. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York. 

Two Women in the Klondike. The Story of a Jour- 
ney to the Gold- Fields of Alaska. By Mary E. Hitch- 
cock. $3. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York. With a 
folding map of Alaska and 500 illustrations. 

The Life of William Ewart Gladstone. Edited by Sir 
Wemyss Reid. 2 vols., $4.50. G. P. Putnam's Sons, 
New York. Containing over 200 illustrations. 


"The close of the century is signalized by a nota- 
ble step taken by Russia in abolishing deportation as a 
part of her penal system, with the exception of a small 
penal colony for political and habitual offenders. This 
is a step long contemplated by Russia, and now deter- 
mined upon after the most positive evidence of the evils 
of deportation to Siberia. Russia is about to make pro- 
vision in prisons for 14,000 more prisoners; and she 
has appropriated 3,520,000 for the new buildings 
which must be erected for the 8,000 who cannot be ac- 
commodated in existing prisons." S. J. BARROWS, in 
" Progress in Penology ;" The Forum. 

"If only Gutenberg could return to the world, 
with what astonishment would he behold his art, 
fit for delicacy and learning, used to record the 
tattle- tattle of a not too refined society? Would 
he not feel shame at his own invention, when he 
witnessed the ardent ingenuity wherewith men and 
women intrigue to obtain press notices for themselves 
and their friends, the active indiscretion wherewith the 
journals belittle the heroes of our time? And might 
he not justly refute Lamartine, declaring that the 
printing press is not the telescope, but the microscope 
of the soul?" CHARLES WHIBLEY in "Jubilee of the 
Printing Press;" The North American Review. 

"The problem in China is not how to get the most 
work out of a man, but how to divide a given piece of 
work so as to give the greatest possible number of men 
a chance to make a day's living out of it. The cheap- 
est thing in the empire is a man, and therefore labor- 
saving devices are not in demand. How cheap this 
Chinese labor actually is may be better understood 



when it is known that, in certain parts of the empire, 
Chinese carpenters have proved that it is cheaper to 
saw up logs into planks by the use of hand labor than 
with a sawmill; while in the great Kaiping mines, 
which have been developed under English engineers, 
it has been found cheaper to bring the coal to the sur- 
face by the use of human labor than to use engines, 
stationed at the very mouth of the mines and run with 
coal taken from them." ' 'Highways and Byways;" 
The Chautauquan. 

"The law of consolidation of capital and division 
of labor holds as good in the field of distribution as in 
that of production. It is inevitable, and it is profitable. 
The department stores and the mail-order stores sell 
for 10 per cent, instead of for 30 per cent, profit, and 
the consumer thus saves 20 per cent. The profit ob- 
tained by the distributor of staples, on the way from 
the farmer to the consumer, is less than one-quarter 
what it was thirty years ago. The farmer secures a 
wider market, the consumer gets his staples just so 
much more cheaply, and the enterprising middleman 
avails himself of improved banking and transportation 
facilities to do a larger business. This is why he has 
adopted as his motto, 'Quick sales and small profits.' 

"The real benefits of 'capitalistic production,' as 
compared with production on a small scale, are two- 
fold. The first and greatest benefit of industrial com- 
binations goes to the whole body of the community as 
consumers, through reduction in prices. The next 
benefit, and that next most largely distributed, goes to 
the workers through increase of wages, and thus it hap- 
pens that the workingman gains simultaneously in two 
ways. He gets more money for his work and more 
goods for his money." CHARLES R. FLINT, in "Indus- 
trial Combinations in the United States;'' Gassier s 

(Courtesy of Leslie's Weekly; Copyright by Judge Co., 1901) 

See page 158 



Just as we go to press comes the news of 

t]be death of the a S ed soverei g n of the 
British, empire. Though daily expected 

for more than a week, the certainty that Queen Victoria 
is no more is none the less an impressive fact, and will 
shock the thought of Christendom into even keener 
appreciation of what the great epoch marked by her 
reign has meant to the world than the formal passing 
of the old century into the new, three weeks ago, could 
do, despite the tons of retrospective literature and 
floods of sermonizing that accompanied the event. The 
world sees most vividly through personality, and there 
is something that profoundly stirs the imagination and 
brings the marvels of the greatest century of human 
progress sharply down into the foreground in the pass- 
ing away of a monarch whose life and reign have been 
so closely identified with it all as even to have given 
it the name of the " Victorian Era/' Personally, the 
queen was not a history -making monarch. She was an 
exalted type of womanhood, but not a particularly 
aggressive or determining force in the great world 
movements that were developing and coming to fruit- 
age all about her. The marvelous progress of the 
epoch that has taken her name was the work of the 
world, not of any individual or group of individuals ; it 
was the work of the masses struggling for broader 
liberties, of science seeking for broader knowledge, of 


98 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

invention reaching out for completer mastery over 
nature, of literature, art and music, striving to express 
the highest and finest thought of the age. Victoria's 
place in history will not be that of England's most 
brilliant sovereign ; rather, it will be that of the 
worthy head and representative of the greatest empire 
upon earth during the most illustrious period in human 
history. She will stand out less as a personality than 
as the personal embodiment of a wonderful age. 

In our next issue, probably, we shall review some 
of the epoch-marking features of this reign and try to 
point out their significance. It is a striking and im- 
pressive evidence of the growing solidarity of the 
English-speaking race, no less than of the worldwide 
respect, transcending national bounds, for a life whose 
personal influence stands out far above its political, that 
in this city to-day the flag is everywhere floating at 

After lone delays, the representatives of 

Settlement at ,, . .T* *j 

Last ia China foreign powers in Peking, on Decem- 

ber 22d, signed the note conveying to 
the Chinese government the conditions upon which 
peace could be restored. The demands submitted were 
grouped under twelve distinct heads, providing in brief 
as follows : 

1. China must send a special mission to Germany with the apologies 
of the Chinese government for the murder of Baron von Ketteler, and 
erect a monument to his memory on the spot of his assassination. 

2. The severest punishment for ringleaders in the Boxer uprisings, 
and suspension for five years of official examinations in all cities where 
foreigners have been subjected to outrages. 

3. Reparation to Japan for the murder of Mr. Sujyama. 

4. Erection of a monument in every foreign cemetery in China which 
has been desecrated by the Chinese. 

5. Prohibition of the importation of war materials. 

6. Indemnities to all foreigners who have suffered in person or prop- 
erty during the Boxer uprisings. 


7. A permanent guard maintained by each of the powers for its 
legation in Peking. 

8. Destruction of forts between Peking and the sea. 

9. Military occupation by the powers of certain points between 
Peking and the sea. 

10. Publication by the Chinese government throughout the empire, 
for two years, of decrees prohibiting membership in any anti-foreign 
society, under penalty of death, and holding all viceroys and governors 
responsible for the maintenance of order within their districts. 

11. China to give commercial and industrial treaty rights within the 
limits of the empire, as may be desired by the powers. 

12. Reform of the Chinese department of foreign affairs. 

As might be expected, the Chinese peace commis- 
sioners vigorously objected to the provisions for de- 
stroying the forts and permitting permanent guards for 
the legations in Peking, but it was clearly hopeless to 
offer any important resistance and the commissioners 
were ordered to sign within a week after receipt of the 
note. The act of signing, on January I3th or i4th, 
closed the first chapter in the history of the final march 
of western civilization into the great oriental empire 
that has so long struggled against all external influ- 
ences. Already the British minister at Peking has 
proposed a new commercial treaty with China, securing 
new rights and guarantees of protection for foreign 
industry and trade within the empire. It is along this 
line that progress in the immediate future may be 
expected. The genuineness or otherwise of the pledges 
not to engage in any partition of China will have to be 
determined by experience. Faithfulness to this pledge, 
unless the Chinese government should utterly break 
down and chaos ensue, will be the test of the moral 
integrity of Christendom's attitude in the East. 

Endless The familiar report that Aguinaldo is 

Philippine dead comes along with the other equally 

Warfare monotonous items of news from the Phil- 

ippines during the past month. Whatever may have 

100 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

become of the Filipino leader, it is certain that there is 
a widespread revival of insurgent activity, especially in 
Luzon, and this despite the fact that early in December 
some 2,200 natives surrendered to General Young at 
Santa Maria and took the oath of allegiance to the 
United States. It will be remembered that President 
McKinley in his letter of acceptance, on September 8th 
last, declared that if it were not for the hope that Bryan 
would be elected and withdraw American authority, the 
Filipino insurrection would speedily cease. "But for 
these false hopes," he said, " a considerable reduction 
could have been had in our military establishment in 
the Philippines, and the realization of a stable govern- 
ment would be already at hand." This was certainly 
an optimistic view of the situation ; much more so than 
the statement by Secretary Root less than a month ago, 
to the members of the Senate military affairs commit- 
tee, that so long as present conditions in the islands 
continued we should need the full strength of our army 
of 100,000 men. On January 3d Senator Sewell of New 
Jersey, a strong supporter of the administration's Phil- 
ippine policy, while arguing in the senate for the army- 
increase bill, made this significant declaration, equally 
out of joint with the president's predictions : 

" It is perfectly apparent to anyone who will look into the situation 
that we have got to continue about the same number of men (76,000 to 
79,000) for some time to come. It may be for one or two years, or three 
years, but it ought not to be limited. . . . There is a war going on, 
a very serious war. It is not in great shocks of battle, which may occur 
one day in a month, but the loss is equal to it, taking the aggregate in a 
month or three months. Our troops to-day are being denuded by losses 
which grow out of the little posts, where they are turned out as scouts, 
and where they are ambushed, and all that kin a of thing. The country 
has got to face the situation boldly as to whether we are to uphold our 
flag in the Philippines or not. If we are and I take it that we shall 
we certainly must provide the men with which to do it." 

As a part of our policy of dealing with the situation 
we have begun an exile or banishment system, deport- 


ing Filipino leaders to the island of Guam, pending the 
conclusion of peace ; which from the present outlook 
very likely means that several of these men have seen 
the last of their native land. It is still further inter- 
esting to note in connection with the Philippine situa- 
tion that, according to a special report from Major 
Edie, there are some thirty thousand lepers in the 
Visayas group, with practically no provision for isolat- 
ing them or preventing a spread of the disease through- 
out the archipelago at any time. This is a problem 
that must be handled promptly and on a thoroughgoing, 
wholesale plan, involving nobody knows how much 
expense in ferreting out the unfortunate victims from 
their hiding places and conveying them to some perma- 
nent quarantined reservation. Clearly, those who 
defend our Philippine policy as a purely philanthropic 
rather than financially profitable enterprise have the 
bulk of the experience to support them thus far. 

Popular There is no question but that the Amer- 

Weariness with ican people are becoming more and more 
tired of the entire Philippine complica- 
tion, and are rapidly losing patience with the desultory 
movement of affairs. The Filipinos want self-govern- 
ment, and the long continuance of this insurrection 
offers increasing evidence of their probable capacity to 
carry it on, at least as well as many other self-governing 
peoples of relatively low civilization, with whose affairs 
we do not consider it our mission to interfere. The 
petition from some 2,000 leading Filipino citizens of 
Manila and vicinity, read in the United States senate 
on January loth, is another evidence of the persistence 
and growth of the independence idea. The declaration 
in this petition that, since the revolution began, the 
peaceful natives engaged in their ordinary vocations 
have liberally supported the Filipino soldiers in the 

102 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

field and seem disposed to support them so long as the 
war lasts, is amply borne out by the statements of 
General MacArthur in his official report, summarized 
in our December issue. At present there seems little 
evidence that the administration contemplates any 
change of policy. Senator Hoar's resolution providing 
that an armistice be granted the Filipinos, and that a 
number of their leaders be brought to the United States 
at our expense, with the view of arranging a suitable 
and honorable termination of the miserable situation 
now existing, was laid on the table on January nth by 
a vote of 32 to 19, the only republicans voting for it 
being Senators Hale and Hoar. We believe the time 
will come, however, when Senator Hoar's attitude in 
this matter will be regarded as that of high statesman- 
ship, representing the true line of policy for our gov- 
ernment ; and that if we persist in the extreme policy 
of subjugation by force, with complete annexation and 
no prospect of ultimate independence for the islands, it 
may be the rock of disaster for the administration's sec- 
ond term. 

Out in Hawaii, too, the policy of terri- 
Thc Hawaiian ' , ^ ,. J ,. ., , 

Elections torial expansion beyond the limits of 

natural affinity and fitness has lately re- 
ceived a significant setback. At the election, held early 
in December, for the first delegate to be sent from the 
new territory to the United States congress, Robert 
Wilcox, a half-caste Hawaiian, aggressively represent- 
ing the interests of the old native monarchy, was 
elected over his two competitors, one a republican and 
the other a democrat, who were understood to be favor- 
able to American rule. The strangeness of this lies in 
the fact that, for years before annexation took place, 
the Hawaiian people were represented as vainly and 
pathetically knocking at our doors, fairly pining away 


with anxiety to get in. It will be remembered how the 
reports of the public grief when our flag went up in 
Honolulu came as a shock of surprise ; and the recent 
election still further confirms the growing impression 
that the supposed annexation sentiment was all the 
time chiefly the creation of a group of American and 
English residents, with scarcely any native support. 
In fact, it is becoming clearer all the time that the 
nation, which for more than a century has stood as the 
shining type of political independence and advocate of 
the right of self-government, is going to find the re- 
sults of that example and influence confronting it, either 
in sullen resentment or forcible resistance, wherever it 
attempts to reverse its own principle of freedom by 
forcing its authority upon unwilling peoples. It is a 
strange and unwelcome situation that we should be en- 
gaged in rooting up growths of our own planting. 

The Great Meanwhile, the momentous question of 

Constitutional the status of our new dependencies, un- 
der the constitution, is at last before the 
supreme court. A number of cases have been pre- 
sented and argued but the issue involved is substan- 
tially the same in all. The first cases to go before the 
court were those involving the right of the government 
to collect tariff duties on certain merchandise brought 
from the Philippines and Porto Rico into the United 
States. The Philippine case is that of a soldier named 
Pepke, who brought back with him from the islands a 
number of diamond rings which were subsequently 
confiscated by the government. The Porto Rico case 
is that of John H. Goetze, who paid duties on tobacco 
imported from Porto Rico and is contesting the right 
of the government to collect such duties. In both cases 
the point at issue is whether these islands are parts of 
the United States in the sense that would bring them 

104 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

under the constitution and require free rights of trade 
with the states. Argument on these two cases was be- 
gun in the supreme court on December i/th and con- 
cluded on the 2oth, the government's contention being 
that these islands are not necessarily under the consti- 
tution but were annexed by the superior power of con- 
gress and may be governed by congress. It is an issue 
of extraordinary interest, involving an interpretation of 
the intent of the constitution to a degree of importance 
which has hardly been equalled since the great Webster- 
Hayne debates in the senate. 

Attorney-General Griggs, in presenting the gov- 
ernment's case, contended for the extra sovereignty 
rights of congress, along lines well indicated by this 
brief extract : 

1 ' They [the f ramers of the constitution] gave to 
the nation they founded the usual untrammeled powers 
of making war and treaties, the most frequent methods 
by which foreign territory is acquired by the nations 
of the earth. If they intended to restrict or limit their 
own government in these respects, would they not have 
done so in express terms? They did not do so by any 
language \vhich can even be suggested as capable of 
such import, and it is therefore right nay, necessary 
to conclude that they did not intend to do so. ... 

"Is the United States so bound and tied by this 
constitution of ours that it can never acquire an island 
of the sea, a belt across the isthmus, a station for a 
naval base, unless it be at the cost of admitting those 
who may happen to inhabit the soil at the time of pur- 
chase to full rights as citizens of the union, no matter 
how incongruous or unfit they may be, while the 
foreign-born inhabitant or the aboriginal red man must 
depend upon the grace of congress, though he dwell 
half a century among us?" 

On the other hand, the contention of the claimants 


is, in the language of Mr. Lawrence Harmon, one of 
the attorneys for Pepke : 

' ' By the treaty of peace between the United States 
and Spain, the Philippines became a part of the United 
States ; the government and the citizens of the United 
States both enter said islands under the authority of the 
constitution, with their respective rights defined and 
marked out ; the former can exercise no power over the 
person or property of a citizen of the United States 
beyond what that instrument confers, nor lawfully 
deny any right which it has reserved. . . . The 
president of the United States has no legislative power. 
The imposition of customs duties upon commerce be- 
tween these islands and other parts of the United 
States after the treaty of peace and exchange of ratifi- 
cations, by executive order, is without lawful authority, 
and the seizure of the property of the plaintiff in error, 
a citizen of the United States, under such pretended 
authority, constitutes a taking of his property without 
due process of law." 

The decision in any one of these cases will practi- 
cally be the decision for all. It is now expected that 
the court will declare against the government's conten- 
tion and in favor of the position that uniform regula- 
tions must prevail throughout all the annexed terri- 
tories. If so, we shall begin without further delay to 
see some of the consequences of our colonial policy. 
The bars will be thrown down, and American capital- 
ists will be able to take the most modern machinery 
into these various groups of islands, employ ten-cent-a- 
day labor, and import the products into the United 
States in competition with American industries, to say 
nothing of the free immigration of coolies into the 
United States to compete with American laborers. Not 
only this, but each of these possessions will have the 
status of regular territories of the United States, in line 

106 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

for statehood. Whoever imagines that any effort to 
convert them into states is an exceedingly remote con- 
tingency should abandon the delusion without delay. 
Already there is discussion of the possible admission 
within a few years of both Hawaii and Porto Rico. 

Whichever way the court decides, the real solution 
of the problem will not be reached. If the constitution 
goes with the flag, then, as we have just pointed out, it 
is bars down and an open road for admission of these 
groups of wholly unfit population to the privileges of 
American citizenship. On the other hand, if the right 
of congress to govern these possessions outside the con- 
stitution is sustained, then the very principle of our 
democratic institutions is undermined. Whether that 
principle has been violated before, in minor instances, 
does not modify the fact that to violate it now, in order 
to permit the beginning of a new and distinctly monar- 
chical policy of annexation and subjugation of alien 
peoples without their consent, would mark the first 
really great and fundamental departure from the rock 
on which our republic was erected. 

The only permanently safe solution of this prob- 
lem is to adopt the principle that, where the flag cannot 
go without danger to our institutions, it must not go at 
all. We must adopt in the Philippines the policy we 
have pursued in Cuba, and if we do so we shall be more 
honored in this return to the principles of true democ- 
racy than we ever could be in arbitrarily forcing through 
a mistaken policy under the shallow " spread-eagle " 
plea that where the flag has once been raised, whether 
right or wrong, it must never come down. 

The wave of capitalistic consolidation 

Deals Railf ttat ^ as been swee P in over tne country 

during the last few years, reaching its 

height in 1899, seems to be finding its final expression 


in gigantic railroad combinations. Within the last few 
weeks negotiations have been under way looking to- 
wards the consolidation of a system of roads that would 
give a through transcontinental line under one single 
management, including steamship lines operating in 
both the Atlantic and the Pacific. This consolidation, 
in which the chief promoter is understood to be the 
master railroad organizer James J. Hill, of the Great 
Northern, will if completed probably include the Great 
Northern Railway, the Northern Pacific, the Chicago, 
Milwaukee and St. Paul, and the Erie Railroad ; the 
total mileage being nearly 20,000. At the same time, 
another group of roads have been passing under one 
control here in the East, including more especially the 
lines engaged in the coal-carrying trade. Mr. J. P. 
Morgan, who represents the controlling interest in the 
Philadelphia and Reading road, has recently acquired 
also the Central Railroad of New Jersey and the Le- 
high Valley, which, with certain other smaller lines, 
will give to the Morgan interests more than sixty per 
cent, of the eastern coal shipments. The other impor- 
tant coal-carrying roads being under management 
friendly to the Morgan lines, it is estimated that fully 
96 per cent, of the coal tonnage will, when these re- 
organizations are complete, be handled under practi- 
cally uniform policy. 

Railroad consolidation is no new thing. It has 
been progressing for many years, but never before has 
it taken on such tremendously far-reaching proportions. 
Perhaps it is natural that this should come a little later 
than the great tide of reorganization in manufacturing 
industries, for the reason that railroad interests are so 
vast, so widely separated geographically, subject to 
such complex conditions, and with interests frequently 
very antagonistic. If properly financed, however, and 
not burdened with extravagant obligations which re- 

108 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

suits cannot justify, the economy of consolidation is 
obvious, not to mention t}ie relief it will give from dis- 
astrous rate wars and trie constant temptation to rate 
discriminations. The chairman of the inter-state com- 
merce commission, Hon. Martin A. Knapp, states this 
aspect of the case clearly in the following interview, 
based obviously upon hard experience with the difficult 
problem of preventing discrimination where railroads 
are prevented by law from pooling their earnings : 

' While combinations of this kind are not very desirable, in the 
broad sense, still I hold them preferable to conditions brought about by 
existing laws, especially the anti-trust law, with reference to large and 
small shippers by the public carriers, and which have militated against 
the latter to the extent of almost driving them completely out of 

"One of these things must happen the legalized pooling ' of com- 
petitive traffic, general consolidation or government ownership. . . . 

" I hold that railroad rates should be as uniform as the postal rates, 
and that the business man, small or large, should be no more concerned 
about his neighbor getting an advantage through lower traffic rates than 
about postage." 

Meanwhile, the great field of manufac- 

Prcsent Status . . ' . , 

of Trusts tunng industry is characterized at present 

by somewhat of a reverse movement. 
The high-water mark of reorganization has been reached 
and passed, and the more prominent feature now is the 
growth of new competition. The recent out-reachings 
by the Carnegie interests, including the proposed build- 
ing of a vast new tube plant at Conneaut Harbor, though 
seeming to be a part of the trust movement are really 
steps in the direction of new competition with some of the 
great steel and iron consolidations. The New York 
Journal of Commerce and Commercial Bulletin, which has 
for a long time occupied a position largely unfavorable 
to trust organization, points out in a recent review of 
the situation that the value of the interests which have 
passed into great consolidations is much less than is 
popularly supposed, and supports this by showing that, 


as a rule, only the preferred stock and bonds of the new 
" trusts " represent the actual value of the properties 
included ; the common stock being for the most part 
non- dividend earning, for the present at least. This 
conclusion is at least plausible, in view of the fact that 
in the organization of most of the large new combina- 
tions it was a practice to give away common stock as a 
bonus to the promoters, and to the financial interests 
that could be persuaded to buy the bonds. It is clear 
at any rate that the gross amount represented in the 
capitalization of the new concerns gives a considerably 
exaggerated idea of the extent to which the industrial 
interests of the country have passed under so-called 
"trust" control. The same paper, on December 3ist, 
published a classified list, showing by names and 
amounts of capital stock, a very large number of new 
independent corporations that have recently been organ- 
ized to compete with the "trusts " in a variety of indus- 
tries; notably wire nails, tin-plate, tubes, sheet steel, 
glucose, matches, baking powder, oil, paper and ice. 
This list makes no mention of a projected new sugar 
refining company in Philadelphia, nor of the recent 
extensive growth of competition with the United Fruit 
Company (banana "trust"), nor of the formation in 
Chicago of a new rubber shoe concern to compete with 
the United States Rubber Company. 

In spite of this growth of competition, there have 
been a few instances lately of concerns which seem 
determined to pursue the old path of folly which nearly 
all the great corporations have been wise enough per- 
manently to abandon : namely, trying to make excessive 
profits through "squeezing" the consumers by high 
prices. The Rochester Optical and Camera Company, 
a combination about a year old, undertook this on a 
large scale, and as a result its business fell in a year 
from $1,500,000 to about $800,000. Its stock has de- 

110 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February 

clined in value, and it is reported as having great 
difficulty in paying dividends even on its preferred 
stock. At the same time, the salt combination has been 
raising prices to such an extent that there has actually 
been a notable increase of salt importations from abroad, 
in spite of the tariff. Just why this corporation should 
deliberately select a policy that has been discarded as 
ultimately ruinous by practically all the great well- 
established industries is one of the things that passes 
understanding. It is unfortunate that a large industry 
should put itself into a position where it must sooner 
or later learn by hard experience what it might avoid 
by starting out with a wise economic policy. 

It is interesting to note in this connec- 

A Permanent t j on ano ther difficulty which limits and 
Limitation to -., , -. ., ,., f 

"Trust" Growth 1S llkel Y always to limit the growth of 
gigantic combinations beyond a certain 
point : namely, the increasing difficulty, as the combina- 
tion extends, of securing sufficiently able managing 
ability to conduct successfully enterprises so vast. 
Professor Adams, of the University of Michigan, in a 
recent address delivered at the university, called atten- 
tion to this feature, and it is reported in connection 
with it that the head of one of the great American 
industrial combinations has recently declared that sev- 
eral positions in his organization, commanding upwards 
of $10,000 per year salary, were vacant from sheer 
inability to find men with sufficient talent and capacity 
for responsibility to fill them. Of course, with the 
further development of business along these vast new 
lines we may expect an increase in available managing 
ability, but it is doubtful if human capacity can ever be 
sufficiently extended to permit of effective control of 
widely differing industries under one management, as 
it is sometimes feared will eventually occur. The 


probability is that the line of greatest economic effi- 
ciency (which is the line that always limits any further 
growth of industrial combination, because of the cer- 
tainty of new competition when that line is passed) will 
be found to be in the organization under single man- 
agement of industries of very similar character. The 
natural law which limits superior human ability to at 
most two or three distinct fields will be the permanent 
bar to any universal "trust." Whenever that line is 
passed, the economy of specialization will be more 
effective than the economy of organization. The inde- 
pendent establishment devoted to one distinct purpose 
will win the day against any unwieldy, unnatural com- 
bination of many diverse interests under what is certain 
to be at least partially ineffective management. 

The removal by Governor Roosevelt, on 

Reform Efforts in ^ jr-r^-^-^A-L A 

New York City December 22d, of District Attorney Gar- 
diner of New York city, and appointment 
of Eugene A. Philbin, a clean and capable democrat, 
in his stead, has resulted in more activity in the prose- 
cution of violators of the law than New York has wit- 
nessed for a long time. It is at last possible to secure 
indictments against offenders without indefinite delay, 
so that those who are working for better conditions in 
the metropolis can now feel that at least one depart- 
ment of the city government is no longer in corrupt 
league with the lawbreakers. 

Mr. Croker's wonderful " committee of five," ap- 
pointed as a Tammany instrument for unearthing vice 
and bringing offenders to justice (!) has been chiefly 
occupied thus far in explaining that law-breaking does 
not exist to any important extent. For the very shame 
of the thing, the efforts of this committee cannot be 
wholly without fruit, but the obvious insincerity and 
political expediency of its work places it in the category 

112 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

of things farcical so far as any permanent contribution 
to clean government is concerned. There has been, it 
is true, some shaking up of the police force, including 
the substitution of Captain Titus for Herlihy in the 
Eldridge Street district where some of the worst abuses 
have existed ; and temporary improvement has occurred, 
which may be expected to last just about as long as 
public indignation remains sufficiently intense to cause 
the Tammany ring any serious apprehension. Chief 
Devery has refused to suspend Captain Herlihy and 
Inspector Cross, pending trial for neglect of duty, and 
the outcome is practically a deadlock between the chief 
and the board of police commissioners, during which 
further reform hangs in suspense. 

The humiliating absurdity of the situation is lead- 
ing up to an exceedingly strong sentiment in favor of a 
single police commissioner in place of the present bi- 
partisan board, to accomplish which a bill has already 
been introduced in the legislature at Albany. Whether 
this is the best solution of the problem experience will 
have to determine, but certainly nothing could be much 
worse than the bi -partisan board plan, which has here- 
tofore meant either deadlock, with consequent stagna- 
tion and inefficiency of service, or else systematic 
trading and dealing between the two parties represented 
in the control of the police department. The proposed 
substitution of a single police commissioner does not 
necessarily conflict with the democratic idea of govern- 
ment, which ought to recognize the important difference 
between legislative and executive functions. The 
present arrangement is an attempt to embody legislative 
features in what is really an executive function. The 
true distinction should be to offer the amplest oppor- 
tunity for expression of the public will in all matters 
involving choice of public policies, and then to provide 
ample power to enforce the results of the people's deci- 

i goi.] RE VIE W OF THE MONTH 113 

sion ; this power to be exercised in such a way that con- 
flict of authority will be impossible and responsibility 
for the results will be definite, explicit and unescapable. 
Meanwhile, the committee of fifteen, organized on 
December ipth under the auspices of the chamber of 
commerce, and headed by Mr. William H. Baldwin, Jr. 
as chairman, is planning and inaugurating a campaign 
of progressive reform work which ought to have wide- 
reaching results. It proposes to institute a thorough 
non-partisan investigation into the causes of the more 
extensive and familiar forms of vice now flourishing 
under police protection, and to collect evidence show- 
ing where the official responsibility rests. Next, it 
proposes to publish the results of these inquiries and 
work systematically for legislation which shall make it 
possible to center more effectively the responsibility for 
enforcement of the laws. 

/ This committee is also arranging to undertake a 
campaign of public education on the conditions existing 
in the city and the kind of improvement in the social 
environments that ought to be developed as offsets to 
the innumerable incentives to vice and crime. If the 
committee can carry out even a part of this most whole- 
some program it will justify itself and become a per- 
manently necessary institution. Bishop Potter, by the 
way, has suggested a permanent vigilance committee of 
several thousand members to keep constant watch on 
the relations between the police and protected vice, all 
over the city, and constantly stimulate active public 
sentiment in favor of wholesome civic conditions. It 
would be difficult to keep such an organization in good 
working condition for any length of time, and it might 
easily drift into misguided officiousness, but for a period 
it might have a powerful effect in rousing public con- 
science to a higher sense of municipal duty. 

Both this plan and the efforts of the committee of 

114 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

fifteen will bear fruit in the slow betterment of civic 
conditions, but at the present moment the most impor- 
tant, direct and obvious way to secure the opportunity 
for these efforts to yield the results expected of them is 
for all the forces of decency to unite in a strenuous, deter- 
mined movement to oust the Tammany organization 
from every part of the municipal government. It is 
possible to do this, but it cannot be done through any 
one reform organization or political body. There must 
be a complete sinking of prejudices and differences, 
and harmonious union for the one object in view, if the 
enemy is to be dislodged and an era of decency 
ushered in. 

Governor OdelPs Meanwhile, the new governor of New 
Doubtful York is trying hard to make a reform 

record of his own and is welding his 
political future to the cause of economy in public ex- 
penditures. This was the keynote of his first message 
to the legislature, and his various suggestions are all 
interesting, many of them clever, some of them useful, 
but practically none of them reflecting any high order 
of statesmanship. The most important specific recom- 
mendations he makes are for the consolidation of the 
board of mediation and arbitration, board of labor sta- 
tistics, and factory inspection department into one new 
department of labor, accomplishing a saving of some 
$72,000 a year; consolidation of the forest preserve 
board and forest, fish and game commission, saving 
$35,000 a year ; abolition of the state board of charities, 
state board of health and state prisons' commission and 
substitution of a single commissioner in each case; 
abolition of the state lunacy commission and return to 
the old plan of separate management, saving $750,000 
a year. 

Mr. Odell has a plan for abolishing all direct state 


taxation by virtue of these economies, and also by in- 
creased taxation of savings banks, trust companies, in- 
surance companies and the capital stock of corporations 
organized in other states but doing business in New 
York. There is no doubt that a larger revenue might 
properly be drawn from some of these sources, but this 
does not imply that there is either justice or economic 
wisdom in trying to transfer the entire burden of tax- 
ation to a few specific interests in the community. Our 
present system of taxation is glaringly defective at 
almost every point, but when it is reformed it should 
be reformed scientifically, with a view to securing the 
widest and most equitable distribution of the tax bur- 
den. This will never be accomplished by any arbi- 
trary scheme for transferring all the taxes of the com- 
munity to a few interests that happen to be unpopular 
on the political stump. 

An economy program like Mr. Odell's may have 
many meritorious features, but is the program of a 
politician rather than of a statesman. The politician is 
always striving for spectacular and semi-sensational 
effects, always attempting to identify himself with some 
proposition that has elements of popularity, and if it 
can be something that seems thoroughgoing and radical 
all the better for the purpose. But this sort of thing 
is not possible for the statesman. The true statesman 
knows that genuine reform can never be accomplished 
by wholesale, sweeping, unqualified measures that cut 
down good and bad together. Economy is a word to 
conjure with, but it is the politician, not the statesman, 
that holds it up as the highest attainable wisdom in 
public policy. 

The true end of statesmanship is to promote the 
greatest public welfare, whether this means saving 
dollars or spending dollars. Where economy will con- 
tribute to this welfare economy is good, but where it 


will cripple some important branch of public service 
then economy is bad, and the public official who tries to 
make a record in defiance of this fact is no real friend 
to public welfare. Where sinecures exist, or useless 
political " job" commissions, or where waste occurs by 
poor organization of the service, then economy and 
reorganization are in order, but, where important work 
would be less effectively done by arbitrarily abolishing 
offices and reducing the number of employees, then the 
path of statesmanship is to point out the grounds for 
distinguishing between the two cases, and shape poli- 
cies accordingly. In brief, Mr. Odell's attitude on this 
matter thus far only goes to confirm the general im- 
pression of him prior to his nomination, that he is a 
clever politician and shrewd business man, but lacking 
in broad-minded conception of the duties of progressive 
rational statesmanship in any large field of public 


Business stability is a vital element in national wel- 
fare and progress. Nothing contributes so much to 
cheerful optimism and inspires such confidence in social 
institutions as continued business prosperity. It broad- 
ens the life, liberalizes the spirit, elevates the charac- 
ter, stimulates the growth of altruism, and strengthens 
the bonds of human association. It turns on the sun- 
shine in human experience and fructifies the best there 
is in human nature. 

On the other hand, industrial uncertainty is the 
most depressing fact in social experience. No other 
element in society is so fatal to energy, enterprise and 
hopeful anticipation. Laborers, business men, public 
officials, the workers in every calling of life, can do 
their best only under conditions of approximate secur- 
ity. Present prosperity loses much of its stimulating 
effect if the immediate future be shrouded in uncer- 
tainty. While business prosperity acts as the main- 
spring of progress, furnishing the inspiration for new 
ideas, new methods of doing and new standards of liv- 
ing, which bring new types of institutions and civiliza- 
tion, business depression brings doubt, distrust and 
pessimism, and contains the germs of disintegration 
and disruption. Business depressions bring economic 
heresies and the seeds of political revolution. The dis- 
ruption in which farmers lose their land by foreclosed 
mortgages, merchants and manufacturers lose their 


118 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

business and property by bankruptcy, and laborers are 
forced into idleness, creates pessimism and distrust. 
Under such conditions it is not unnatural for the dis- 
located to doubt the equity of existing institutions and 
feel that injustice is at the very basis of economic rela- 
tions. When such feelings grow into theories, and 
those theories become convictions of the community, 
they are likely soon to be converted into political policy. 
This is the way revolutionary theories arise and grow 
into political movements. The greenback, free-silver, 
populist and socialist movements, which are jointly ex- 
pressed in Bryan's popularity, were the cumulative re- 
sult of these forces. 

Had 1900 been a year of industrial depression in- 
stead of one of high industrial prosperity, nothing 
could have prevented Mr. Bryan with all his economic 
heresies and disintegrating political ideas from sweep- 
ing the country. The period of business depression 
and disaster from 1893 to 1896 furnished exceptional 
nursery conditions for the development of revolutionary 
economic and political theories. The doctrines of so- 
cialism promulgated by Karl Marx and Rodbertus, as 
the reaction against monarchical institutions in Europe, 
took very little root in this country so long as prosperity 
continued. Every industrial disturbance, like a strike 
or labor riot, afforded temporary opportunity for the 
socialist prophet, but it made little permanent inroads 
with the American people. The fiat-money theory repre- 
sented by greenbackism, and the debased-coinage doc- 
trine represented by free silver, were latent ideas that 
were starved into impotence by industrial prosperity, 
but a four years' period of continued depression, idle- 
ness and increased poverty furnished the opportunity 
for these disintegrating ideas to be worked into social 
and economic theories and be accepted as the higher 
gospel of society. 


Under this protracted experience of adversity, it 
was easy for the suffering masses to yield a ready ear 
to the gospel of antagonism to capital. The theory 
that corporations are organized exploiters of society, 
that private profits are robbery, that the capitalist sys- 
tem is inherently unjust and that public ownership of 
industry is the only equitable system by which the in- 
justices and misfortunes that afflict mordern society can 
be abolished, all this and the reasoning leading up to 
it was readily accepted. Consequently, when Mr. 
Bryan appeared on the scene declaring against capital 
and corporate industry and denouncing our industrial, 
financial and judicial institutions, he was at once popu- 
lar with the masses, not so much for the exact formu- 
lation of his ideas as for the fact that he voiced the ag- 
gregate discontent. He was friendly to the new eco- 
nomic, financial and social theories that were developed 
under the influence of industrial depression and social 
hardship. Nothing but the hope and faith-inspiring 
influence of returned business prosperity prevented his 
success. The ideas and theories that were developed 
to a greater or less degree of exactness were not dis- 
pelled ; they are still lurking in the background, and if 
another industrial depression overtakes us in the near 
future these theories will reassert themselves with in- 
creased force and vigor. Nothing but an extended 
period of industrial prosperity or increased opportunity 
for wholesome industrial and political education can 
prevent an experiment with doctrines of the sort Bryan 
represents. Business stability and widespread liberal 
economic education are the only forces which can pre- 
vent such a national calamity. 

The characteristic feature of the progress of the 
nineteenth century, particularly the last half of it, is 
the development of the means of industrial prosperity. 
Science, ability, organization, and indomitable energy 

120 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

have combined to increase the capacity of wealth pro- 
duction. Nature has been made to yield more at every 
touch ; steam, electricity, and gravitation have been 
harnessed to the work. Wealth has been multiplied at 
a marvellously diminished cost ; the wealth per capita 
of the community, in this country, has increased four- 
fold, wages have increased more than ninety per cent., 
the working day has been shortened by more than one- 
quarter, and the purchasing power of a day's work has 
more than doubled. All this has made for national 
progress and whatever is implied in a higher civiliza- 

But thus far this progress has been accompanied by 
the menacing effect of recurring industrial depressions, 
which furnish the soil and seed of social disruption. 
These business disturbances have not only accompanied 
the rapid progress of the century but they are a part of 
very rapid progress wherever it takes place. There are 
no business depressions in China, India, Africa, or any 
countries where the methods of industry are uniform 
and progress imperceptibly slow. There may be fam- 
ines in these countries, but never business depressions. 
Famines are the result of failing production ; business 
depressions are the result of irregular, unbalanced in- 
crease in production. Increased production can only 
be permanently beneficial to the nation when it is ad- 
justed approximately to the consumption or market for 

Industrial progress is itself a disturbance. It is a 
constant substitution of new for old, of superior for in- 
ferior methods of doing. Every such substitution 
brings with it some dislocation. The benefits must be 
greater than the injuries from dislocation, or there is no 
real gain. Unless the new movement absorbs the dis- 
located elements to their advantage, or at least not to 
their disadvantage, a current of reaction will be created. 


Several examples of this have occurred during the last 
three-quarters of a century, with increasing havoc. 
This is chiefly due to the fact that industrial activity 
has been dominated by what some delight to call ' 'nat- 
ural selection." The rule of "survival of the fittest,' 
which is blind struggle for supremacy, has prevailed in 
both theory and practice. The idea that unlimited and 
unorganized competition is the source of success and the 
sole solvent for economic problems has been taught by 
the scholar and practised by the capitalist. Hence we 
have had a protracted regime of struggle and strife, 
with the maximum waste and the minimum economic 
and scientific direction. 

In the era of hand labor, with small production and 
restricted markets, this unrestricted competition had 
the effect of wholesome rivalry, but as production in- 
creased in quantity, markets expanded in area and com- 
petitors multiplied in number and strength, single- 
handed competition became mere blind struggle against 
the unknown. Ignorance of what others were doing, 
and disregard of the law of market equilibrium, have 
given us rapidly recurring business fluctuations, so that 
we have been constantly rising on a "boom" or descend- 
ing with an industrial depression. Under the stimulus 
of advancing prices, capital rushes in as if the market 
demand for products were infinite, and business men 
borrow heavily in the effort to produce the maximum 
and get the quick benefit of the boom. This uneco- 
nomic stampede soon results in an inflated overdoing, 
with the consequence of reaction and inability profita- 
bly to dispose of products and pay credit obligations ; 
all of which culminates in disruption and forced liqui- 
dations, destruction of confidence, and enforced idle- 
ness, with all its concomitant evils throughout society. 
This has been no less general in agriculture than in 
manufacture and commerce. When the price of corn 

122 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

or cotton is high, farmers, each regardless of what the 
others are doing, immediately turn their energies to 
raising more corn or cotton, with the disappointing ef- 
fect of falling prices and a depressed market. 

While these reactions accompany industrial prog- 
ress and expansion they are not an inevitable part of 
it. They are rather the result of adhering too long to 
blind competition as the governing force in industry. 
To reap the benefits of expanding industry, natural se- 
lection must be superseded by scientific selection, blind 
competition must yield to intelligent, comprehensive 
organization. Unrelated individual effort can only be 
successful in the realm of small things ; the civilization 
of great things is the civilization of scientific organiza- 

Successful business to-day involves more than the 
mere capacity to produce or even to produce cheaply. 
It involves maintaining the equilibrium between the 
forces of production and consumption. This requires a 
knowledge of the world's economic conditions in each 
line of industry. To know the output and the demand 
in any given line of industry, and correctly to antici- 
pate their movement so as approximately to maintain a 
working equilibrium, requires a knowledge of the state 
of invention, the amount <?f new machinery used, capital 
invested, stocks on hand, and substantially all the con- 
ditions affecting industry in every part of the world 
from whence competing products may come. This is 
impossible to individual producers or small concerns. 
It is only with immense capital and perfect organization 
that this can be accomplished. Frequent and reliable 
statistical advices of all the details of production, con- 
sumption, transportation, stocks on hand, and antici- 
pated innovations, are among the necessary equipments 
of modern industry. Only with such information and 
far-reaching organization is approximately correct eco- 


nomic forecast possible. With this knowledge of the 
world's economic conditions, industrial enterprise will 
be governed with more definite relation to the world's 
economic demand. 

Another feature of present industry is the sudden- 
ness of changes in social desires and the immense 
quantity which it is necessary to carry for the normal 
supply. Small concerns are wholly incapable of ade- 
quately adjusting these conditions. With small pro- 
ducers, a little change and fluctuation in the public 
demand for products when the supply on hand is large 
causes numerous failures and bankruptcies ; with large 
concerns, the stocks can be safely carried and even 
transferred from one section or class of demand to 
another. The losses involved in carrying declining 
supplies will be offset by the increased margin in the 
new supplies. Thus, what to-day would cause bank- 
ruptcies and perhaps widespread business disturbance 
would be absorbed in readjustment under the manage- 
ment of adequately large concerns. 

Moreover, very large concerns have so much in- 
volved that a few mistakes will often involve the loss 
of millions of dollars. Such establishments cannot 
afford to be idle. A very small concern can close down, 
throw laborers out of employment, and impair the 
market demand of the community rather than endure 
loss in running. The investment is so small that the 
loss of stoppage may easily be much less than the loss 
of disadvantageous working, but in large concerns, 
where hundreds of millions are involved, the loss of 
stoppage may soon be fatal. Where world markets are 
the prize, the richest concerns cannot afford to retire 
even temporarily, lest new competitors step in and per- 
manently secure the business. 

Thus all the conditions of large enterprise tend to 
make the maintenance of market equilibrium or busi- 

124 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February 

ness stability an important feature of success. It is in 
response to this law of business success that large cor- 
porations succeeded small ones, and so-called "trusts'' 
made their appearance. Despite all the public opposi- 
tion to large corporations, they are admittedly here to 
stay and have already begun to exercise a marked 
steadying influence upon business. In the last business 
disturbance, for example, which came suddenly through 
a threatened change of national policy, it was the smaller 
concerns which suddenly succumbed to the depressing 
wave ; concerns which could not afford to carry large 
stocks of goods and whose financial credit was limited. 
Large concerns, like the Carnegie, Standard Oil and 
sugar companies, withstood the shock almost undis- 

Business depression and uncertainty, which are the 
bane of modern industry, can be avoided in only one of 
two ways, either by returning to the era of small pro- 
duction, or else by adopting the methods of larger and 
more perfect industrial organization. With the growth 
in size and complexity of productive enterprise must 
come the growth in magnitude and complexity of the 
organizations to deal with it. Liliputians cannot do the 
work of giants. If we insist upon having small re- 
stricted concerns to deal with the colossal interests of 
the twentieth century, we may expect and will surely 
have constant disturbances and failure with their train 
of disrupting evils. As well might we expect to govern 
a modern city by the primitive town meeting as expect 
individual effort and small corporations adequately to 
deal with the colossal proportions of modern industry. 
Everything points to the conclusion that the real rem- 
edy for business disturbance is more perfect develop- 
ment of large corporations. 

But here, as in every other phase of social life, the 
spurious comes with the genuine. In the development 


of corporate enterprise as the natural method of dealing 
with our increasing industrial interests have come a 
species of uneconomic and unsubstantial organizations. 
In the flush of business boom, the promoters in many 
instances have taken the place of investors. Corpora- 
tions have been organized for speculative rather than 
economic purposes. Advantage has been taken of the 
overconfidence of the public, and to give abnormal 
rewards to promoters and speculators a system of over- 
capitalization has come into vogue. This has been 
especially true during the last two years. With the 
settling down of business to normal conditions, how- 
ever, these overcapitalized concerns will fail to yield 
encouraging profits, some of them will collapse and 
others be compelled to reorganize. This abnormal 
inflation is so uneconomic that it will bring its own retri- 
bution and teach the lesson that watered stock does not 
earn dividends, but that after all it is only investment 
and economically organized enterprise that yields per- 
manent success. We are in some danger of condemn- 
ing all corporations because of the conduct of the 
spurious ones, but experience will educate the public 
to discriminate between legitimate investment and 
mere speculative inflation. If bankers would refuse to 
lend their names and influence to watered-stock corpo- 
rations, and the public refuse to invest in mere specu- 
lative industrials, buy only stocks that represent legiti- 
mate investment and established earnings, the occupa- 
tion of the promoter in fabricating mere "wind" 
corporations would soon be gone. 

Corporations, like trade unions, which are another 
phase of the same industrial movement, have many 
crude uneconomic features, but the remedy for these 
defects is not restriction and repression but more eco- 
nomic, scientific and comprehensive organization. In- 
discriminate antagonism to a natural movement always 


brings out its worst features. Suppression of free 
speech, restriction of the press, and forbidding of free 
public meetings always lead to inflamed secret discus- 
sion and usually to conspiracy and physical-force 
methods. This was true of the Fenian movement in 
Ireland, is true of the nihilists in Russia ; and in fact wher- 
ever organized authority is used to suppress a natural 
movement it drives it from the field of open action to 
secret underhanded methods which inspire less honora- 
ble motives and develop the worst characteristics. 
Much of the physical force used by trade unions is the 
result of the same mistaken antagonism to the natural 
growth of labor organization. For a long time a trade 
union was conspiracy; then for decades it remained 
outside the pale of law. Its funds had no protection 
in court and the treasurer could steal the revenues with 

It is only when the normal movement is protected 
by the moral sentiment and legal institutions of society 
that it unreservedly comes out into the light and devel- 
ops its best characteristics. Nothing more effectively 
develops the worst in human nature than to put it 
under the ban. To this universal law corporations are 
no exception. An inflamed and perverted public senti- 
ment against corporations, to which small -calibre poli- 
ticians are ever ready to respond with petty inquisito- 
rial repressive legislation, is the most effective means 
of stimulating the worst phases of corporate develop- 
ment. It constantly creates a presumption against the 
new organization and leads to numerous devices of 
secrecy and suppression, which grow into misrepre- 
sentation. It develops the quality of the pirate instead 
of true economic leadership. 



Civilization is a word of double meaning. It some- 
times means that enlightened condition of society in 
which each individual has the best opportunity for self- 
development, and in this sense it is never used in the 
plural. It may also mean one of several modes of 
social and political development whereby different 
styles of national life have been evolved. In this sense 
we may use it in the plural as the European, Moham- 
medan and Chinese civilizations. Etymologically it 
refers to the relation between the citizen and the 
state, and depends upon that great law of human prog- 
ress that necessitates a growing interdependence of 
man upon man. 

The various civilizations of the world differ widely, 
not because of any difference in the fundamental ele- 
ments of human nature but because these elements 
have received such different handling. Thus it comes 
about that we shrink from conceding any similarity 
between our civilization and that of such a people 
as the Chinese. 

It must be granted at the start that the civilization 
of China is as highly developed as the Anglo-Saxon, 
but the lines of that development have been so different 
that it may interest us to glance at some of the more 
important of them, for by so doing we shall be able to 
discover wherein lies the lamentable failure of the 
Chinese system. A thorough discussion of the 'subject 
would nil a volume ; we must confine ourselves, there- 
fore, to one special phase of it namely, what has China 


128 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

retained of the great original ideas of the race and 
what has the West rejected. 

I. China has retained the original theocratic idea, 
the West has rejected it. We find that in the begin- 
ings of history kings held their seats not only by a sup- 
posed divine right but by some assumed direct connec- 
tion with divinity, so that they were themselves clothed 
with a dignity that claimed a kinship with the divine. 
The reason for this is not far to seek. Let us grant for 
the sake of argument that the biblical account is sub- 
stantially correct, then we shall find that the divine 
attributes given to kings was a counterpart of sacrificial 
offerings. The apostacy of the race cut them off from 
direct communion with divinity, and just as sacrifice 
took the place of direct worship so the direct govern- 
ment of God was modified to a delegated theocracy. 
At least the universal acceptance of the general law of 
divine government constrained men to recognize their 
temporal rulers as the seat and symbol of that govern- 
ment. In no other way can we account for the divine 
honors that were given to the ancient kings of Assyria 
and Babylonia, and later to the Roman emperors. It 
survives to-day in the expression ' 'divine right of kings, " 
but in our western civilization this means little more 
than the divine right of any man to do his own proper 
work whether he be king or mechanic. 

The Chinese have retained the idea of a delegated 
theocracy and their government is the logical outcome 
of such a course. A delegated theocracy to succeed 
must have a perfect medium. A Moses or a Samuel 
might presumably be an approximately perfect medium, 
but even in these instances we find that human fraility, 
both in the medium and in the governed parties, ren- 
dered the divine will nugatory, as expressed in many 
instances, whatever may have been the undisclosed will 
of the Almighty. If these men were only approxi- 


mately successful what shall be said of those who have 
had neither the ability nor the preparation for such a 
calling as they had ? The ancient custom of giving 
divine honors to kings worked boundless evils in society, 
for the imbecilities, the cruelties, the injustices of those 
supposed vice-gerents of God could not but lower the 
peoples' notions of the Diety. The contemptible ac- 
tions of God's agent would inevitably make the Divine 
Being contemned by the people. At the same time, the 
terror inspired by the belief that the king stood for 
God himself in the government of the kingdom would 
naturally engender that servility of manner which is 
such a prominent feature of the Oriental court life. 
Now these are precisely the features which differentiate 
the Chinese form of government from ours. It has en- 
gendered deceit, insincerity, servility in the outward 
manner, while at heart there is secret contempt. This 
pseudo-theocracy is a cloak for untold and untellable 
oppression and injustice. It is the cause of venality, 
nepotism and all political uncleanliness, for the basis 
of a theocracy is necessarily absolutism, and a corrupt- 
ed absolutism bears such fruit as we find in Turkey, 
Persia, China and like absolute governments. Those 
kingdoms whose sovereigns make the loudest claims to 
divine vice-gerency are the most corrupt. The Mikado 
of Japan was for two thousand years considered semi- 
divine, and it was only when he laid aside this guise 
and admitted his people as copartners of his responsi- 
bilities and his honors that Japan became politically 

The higher a thing is the more momentous is its 
fall. An American writer has illustrated this by a tell- 
ing though humble metaphor. The higher the form 
of animal life the more offensive it becomes to the nos- 
trils when it decays. Beginning with the mollusk and 
proceeding through all the grades of animal life till we 

130 G UNTON 'S MA GAZ1NE [February, 

reach that of the human being we readily perceive the 
truth of this statement. And it is on some such theory 
as this that we can explain why a theocracy, the highest 
ideal form of government, may become the very worst 
when it loses the vitalizing force and becomes a corpse. 
Such is the government of China. It has always been 
a pseudo-theocracy and as such could neVer be other 
than offensive to the lover of good government. The 
West long ago rejected this idea and eliminated it from 
its idea of human government, not because a genuine 
theocracy is not the only perfect form of government 
nor because rulers do not need divine guidance, but be- 
cause Christianity has taught the fallibility of human 
judgment and has thereby proved that a democratic 
form of government is the next best to a pure the- 
ocracy. Such democracy we find in all limited monarch- 
ies to-day, modified in various ways to suit the condi- 
tions and limitations of society. The evils of a parli- 
mentary government are incidental and adventitious ; 
those of a pseudo-theocracy like that of China are in- 
trinsic and fundamental. 

II. China has retained the original patriarchal idea, 
but the West has rejected it. Here we touch upon the 
social, not the political, organism. In the morning of 
the race the term of human life ran into the centuries, 
and we can readily imagine how a family in which ten 
or a dozen generations were represented would look 
with the utmost reverence upon the hoary patriarch at 
its head and receive his words as well-nigh oracular. 
China retained this notion. It was old when Confucius 
crystallized it into a written dogma. It has never 
ceased to be the basis of their social system. But this 
idea, like that of her delegated theocracy, has run to 
seed. Its most baneful effect has been to adumbrate 
the individual by the clan. It has made China a 
nation not of individuals but of cliques. It is difficult 


for a westerner, even after years of residence among 
the Chinese, to realize the full significance of a China- 
man's intense loyalty to his clan. He never thinks of 
adopting an independent line of action. He must dis- 
cuss every matter with the members of his family or 
clan and his every act is that of the clan rather than of 
himself as an individual. In short, as in America the 
unit of value is the dollar and all less than that is mere 
fractional currency, so in China the social unit is the 
clan, and all the members that compose the clan are 
mere fractions devoid of all integral force. A man can- 
not name his son without consulting the clan. He can- 
not give his daughter in marriage, nor sell his estate, 
nor change his place of residence, nor make his will, 
nor choose a profession without conferring with his 
relatives. If he is fortunate enough to amass wealth 
he shares it in great part with the clan. If he gets 
into trouble he is sure of all the help the clan can give. 
If he commits a capital crime a dozen of his relatives 
may be decapitated with him, or sold into slavery or 
driven into banishment. There is no such thing as a 
purely personal course of conduct in such a country and 
in consequence there is no such thing as personal re- 
sponsibility. If he does wrong it is taken for granted 
that his relatives are his accomplices. It would be 
difficult to exaggerate the obstacles which such a system 
throws in the way of national progress. Being not a 
self-dependent and independent member of society but 
only a single factor in a highly articulated family sys- 
tem his every act must have a disturbing effect upon 
the system. A barrow wheel may turn slow or fast, 
backward or forward, without disturbing any one or 
anything, but not so with a cog-wheel in a complicated 
machine. Any erratic movement disorganizes the 
whole mechanism. Thus it is that the life of a China- 
man is circumscribed. He can have no genuine ambi- 

182 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

tion. He can never climb the ladder of fame or fortune 
without dragging his clan with him. There is no such 
thing as starting as an office-boy and ending as the 
president of a railroad, or of beginning life as a news- 
boy and rounding off his career as the governor of a 
province. There is no such a thing as a son attaining 
a fortune in trade and living in a city mansion while his 
aged father lives on the old farm and rejoices in still 
being independent of his son's help. Such a thing 
would be subversive of all notions of Chinese propriety. 
It would be impossible. There is no such thing as a 
mother sending her sons out into the world to fight for 
themselves. The boy chooses neither his occupation 
nor his home nor his bride nor his companions. They 
are all prepared for him and he never dreams of acting 
independently in anything. 

It is to this patriarchal idea that we must charge 
the inertia of China. It is harder to move a clan than 
an individual, and it is doubly hard for the younger 
members of a clan to effect any change for they are con- 
fessedly its weakest element. By the time they have 
reached years of experience they have received the im- 
press of the clan and no longer desire a change. This 
is why, with all their civilization, they still make use of 
implements and utensils that would be considered pri- 
meval in America. Their arts and sciences are based 
upon models as crude as those that did duty in the days 
of ancient Babylon. 

In the West all this is changed. Here again it is 
Christianity that has effected the change. It inculcates 
the principle of individual responsibility. It sets each 
man upon his own merits and judges him thereby. It 
makes each man a king by making him autocratic in 
the field of personal opinion. It makes the individual 
the social unit distinct from his parents, his wife and 
his children, and leaves him to play with the facts and 


the forces about him without having to square his 
opinions to any set standard. This ideal has not yet 
been fully realized but in so far as it has the world has 
become enlightened. 

III. China has retained the ancient ideographic 
idea. The West has rejected it. The first attempts of 
the race to transfer ideas by means of visible symbols 
resulted in the hieroglyph, or more scientifically speak- 
ing, the ideograph. The discovery of a phonetic system 
took place only after man had attained a considerable 
degree of intellectual growth, and when an ideographic 
system failed to convey the fine shades of meaning 
which such growth necessarily involved. But the 
Chinese have never shaken themselves loose from the 
crude system which the race learned in its infancy. 
We find, nevertheless, that China has evolved a ponder- 
ous literature and that the art of letters is considered 
the art par excellence. An examination of this literature 
shows that it is lacking in the very elements that one 
would suppose it to lack in view of its cumbersome 
system. In the first place they have no true poetry in 
our sense of that term. They have imaginative ideas 
expressed in a certain metrical or rather geometrical 
form, but it is all a matter of literary finesse rather than 
an outpouring of genuine poetic feeling. Chinese poetry 
must be read from the page to be most highly appre- 
ciated, while with us it is the human voice that carries 
the poetic truth most closely home to the human heart. 
In truth we may say that the element of heart is quite 
lacking in Chinese literature as a whole. In like manner 
we find that there is no such thing as oratory in China, 
and thus one of the most important avenues of intellec- 
tual intercourse is cut off from that people. For the 
same reason also music means infinitely less to the 
Chinese than to us. The professional musician in 
China is classed with the acrobat, the butcher and the 

134 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

courtesan. But on the other hand the Chinese are 
master hands at anything that appeals to the eye. 
Their countless flaunting banners, their passion for 
colors and the high significance given to these in all 
walks of life, the showy pageant, the spectacular pyro- 
technics, the parade of finery on all occasions all these 
things show that if you would appeal to the Chinese it 
must be through the eye. To be able to take a brush 
and write a single Chinese character faultlessly would 
make a man's reputation more speedily in that country 
than to speak like Demosthenes or sing like Jenny 
Lind. Chinese literature deals with history and ethics 
almost exclusively. What they call poetry would ap- 
pear to us but a disconnected string of aphorisms, 
many of them to the point, but without a gleam of that 
genius which lights the page of Dante or Shakespeare. 
Eye-service dominates all Chinese life. What 
they see they will believe. Words are light, they are 
made to play with. Nothing is true but that which is 
seen to be true. This lies at the bottom of the material- 
ism and utilitarianism of the Chinese. To him diplo- 
macy consists in skilful lying and he commits himself 
only by doing something. His deed has no necessary 
connection with his word. In business life the Chinese 
are exceptionally honest but this is only a part of their 
hard common sense and their utilitarian spirit. It pays 
them to be honest for they know that it is next to im- 
possible to free themselves from their environments. 
They cannot leave for parts unknown and begin life 
anew. They have learned better than we that defal- 
cation and indirection are not only bad morals but bad 
business as well. But this applies only to business life 
pure and simple. When it comes to the matter of 
official peculation the merest novice in China would put 
to shame the cunning of the worst ring that ever tried 
to exploit the exchequer of a western government. 


This ideographic system has proved a heavy drag 
upon the progress of thought in China. Intellect has 
pushed the cumbersome system to the wall. It has 
continued to demand the formation of new characters 
to express itself until the most erudite can hardly hope 
to master more than a tenth part of them in a lifetime. 
His education is almost exclusively glossarial and no 
opportunity has been given him to bring his intellect 
to bear upon the production of new and better ideas. 
This has naturally resulted in intellectual coma. It is 
only on the business side, the economical side, that he 
is really alive. 

China's retention of the ancient notions of the- 
ocracy, patriarchy and ideography is what has thrown 
her out of the current of the world's progress. To have 
entered into a discussion of the religious side of the 
Chinese character would have revealed a similiar diver- 
gence from western ideals. But enough has been 
said to show the pitiable need under which China lies 
of being loosed from the intellectual, social and politi- 
cal fetters with which she has been bound lo, these 
three thousand years. 



Within the last few months of 1900 there were 
strikes and lockouts involving not less than thirty cotton 
factories in North Carolina. As these outbreaks between 
labor and capital are new in this section it may be of 
general interest to learn something of their origin and 
nature. One of the chief arguments used to tempt 
capitalists into manufacturing in the South was that 
there were no labor organizations to make trouble. 
Mill presidents and promoters always gave out that the 
most pleasant and cordial relations existed between the 
employer and employee. Only last spring at the meet- 
ing of the Southern Cotton Spinners' Association the 
president felicitated the members upon the happy and 
contented condition of the wage-earners. 

Sometime in April of last year the American 
Federation of Labor commissioned Mr. C. P. Davis 
of High Point, North Carolina, to organize local unions 
throughout the southern states. He began work first 
in his own state, going from factory to factory and 
quietly effecting organizations. The operatives lent 
themselves readily to the movement, and before it was 
known among the mill-owners many unions had been 

About the first of May the first skirmish took place 
between organized labor and capital at the Proximity 
Mill, near Greensboro, where a thousand or more hands 
were employed. When the president of the mill, Mr. 
Cone, learned of the movement, about one hundred 



and fifty operatives, including twenty-five women and 
children, had enrolled. The mill was immediately 
closed and a notice posted that all operatives were dis- 
charged. Mr. Cone declared that he had come South 
to get away from labor organizations and would tear 
down his mill before he would run a day with union 
labor. The company's store was at the same time 
closed and no one could obtain provisions without going 
to the city, two miles away. The post-office, which was 
in the store, was necessarily closed also and people 
complained of trouble in getting their mail. Many 
families were caught without money, supplies or credit. 
A widow, Mrs. Cox, with six small children, was in 
destitute circumstances and the union made up five dol- 
lars to aid her. The company, fearing damage to their 
property, hired twelve extra watchmen and had the 
sheriff on the grounds every day. All families in which 
any one belonged to the union were ordered to vacate 
their houses. The conduct of the company excited re- 
sentment and the membership ran up to two hundred 
and fifty. The members of the union held meetings in 
the woods and decided to stand by their organization, 
no matter what happened, After a lockout of a week 
the mill resumed with non-union operatives, each one 
being required to sign an agreement not to join any or- 
ganization of laborers. Some of these who had joined 
the union renounced it and returned to work, while 
others, impelled by a sense of loyalty to their organiza- 
tion, left the community to seek employment elsewhere. 
The young men secured positions in the Erwin Mill at 
Durham, but the same day they were discharged upon 
information that they came from the seat of the trouble 
at Greensboro. John Melvin and family obtained po- 
sitions at the Cedar Falls mill, but were likewise sum- 
marily dismissed upon advice that they hailed from 

138 G UNTON'S MA GA ZINE [February, 

Greensboro. Many other laborers who went in search 
of work met with same fate. 

The next clash between labor and capital took 
place in Alamance county, where there are twenty or 
more cotton mills. Organizer Davis had effected labor 
unions at nearly every one of these plants. The clash 
was precipitated on September 2/th over the discharge 
of Miss Anna Whitesell in a mill at Haw River. This 
girl, in attending to her looms, had to make trips into 
an adjoining room to get rilling. On the day in ques- 
tion, after she had made several trips, the superinten- 
dent met her at the door and accused her of having 
already made sixteen trips, and at the same time 
threatened to discharge her. She flew into a passion, 
denying his charge and scorning his threat. Instantly 
she was discharged. Miss Johnie Pope, who worked in 
another part of the mill, was offered the vacancy but 
upon learning that Miss Whitesell, a member of the 
union, had been discharged she declined to accept it. 
The superintendent then waxed wroth and commanded 
her to do the work assigned or walk out. Being an 
orphan and having to choose between giving up her 
job and incurring the frowns of her union friends, she 
did not know what to do and burst into tears. This ex- 
cited the indignation of the union workers and they 
were on the point of quitting the mill. However, Miss 
Pope went on with her work the remainder of the day. 
When night came the union held a meeting and de- 
cided that Miss Whitesell had been unjustly and rudely 
treated, and that if Miss Pope should be forced to take 
Miss Whitesell's place they would all abandon their 
work. Next morning, Miss Pope being ordered to take 
the vacant place, the union operatives threw up their 
positions. In a moment the whistle of the mill blew 
and the machinery stopped. Within an hour the three 
other mills in the town shut down also and eight hun- 


dred operatives filed out into the streets. The mill 
proprietors had determined to bring the question of 
organized labor to an issue. After several days of sus- 
pense the union held a meeting and appointed a com- 
mittee to confer with the managers of the mills with a 
view to adjustment. The managers refused to treat 
with the laborers except as individuals. Becoming 
alarmed about some rumors of a plot to blow up the 
mills, extra guards with Winchester rifles were sta- 
tioned in and about the property. A notice was posted 
that on Oct. 1 5th the mills would resume work with 
non-union labor. The other mills in the county also 
advertised that on the same day the services of all union 
operatives would be dispensed with. According to an- 
nouncement the Haw River mills started up, but with 
only a few hands ; at the same time members of the 
union and their sympathizers in the other mills of the 
county, together numbering about four thousand, re- 
mained out. The following day a great crowd of union 
members assembled at the town of Graham, and after 
parading the streets entered the court-house and lis- 
tened to speeches by organizer Davis and others. 

Since the commencement of the lockout many union 
members have sought positions at other mills where 
operatives are known to be in demand, but when ques- 
tioned where they came from they are uniformly re- 
fused employment. Nearly every mill in the state has 
pronounced against union labor. 

Upon inquiry among the laborers as to the nature 
of their grievances and the object of their organization, 
the writer learned that the operatives wished to protect 
themselves against the introduction of low-priced labor- 
ers to undermine those already at work, and to obtain 
better wages for adults, so that the small children 
might be sent to school instead of being obliged to work 
in the mills. More than five thousand children under 

140 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

fourteen years of age are employed in the industries of 
this state. It is claimed that at many mills the stores 
conducted by the companies sell at higher prices than 
the ordinary merchants in other places. At Haw River, 
for instance, ham was known to sell at 15 cents per 
pound at the company store, and 12 ^ cents at the 
stores of private merchants, and an employee told the 
writer that he had ordered bacon in 100 pound lots 
from Goldsboro, a distance of 90 miles, and after pay- 
ing the freight it cost him i j cents per pound less than 
he could have bought it at the store of the company. 
The same employee stated that coal had been hauled by 
wagon from Graham, two miles distant, and sold at 50 
cents per ton less than the company was then charging. 
Flour which in Durham sells for $4 per barrel is sold 
for $6 at a factory store a few miles away. 

Mr. Edward Johnson, president of the union at 
Haw River, says that the chief grievance against the 
mill owners is their opposition to organized labor: " I 
think," says he, "that we have as much right to organ- 
ize as capitalists and to belong to anything that is right 
and honorable." 

The mill owners affirm that they would never have 
objected to the union had not unreasonable demands 
been made, and had not the efficient working of the 
mills been interfered with. The strike, they claim, 
was precipitated by a flagrant violation of the rules by 
Miss Whitesell, and that the union being made up 
largely of women and children and the worst element 
among the men it would be ridiculous to turn over the 
management of the mills to such people. 

There can be but one outcome of this lockout. 
The laborers must renounce the union or seek other 
means of earning a livelihood. The doors of all mills are 
closed to them while hundreds of recruits are ready to 
accept the places left vacant. The operatives chose a 


very inopportune time to press the issue of organized 
labor. The price of yarns is low and raw cotton high, 
and many mills are running at a loss. A further mis- 
take was that, after having organized, the operatives 
began too soon to make demands. 

The day-laborers in the South are peculiar in that 
all have the southern characteristic of sensitiveness and 
quickness of temper. They will not take an insult and 
when spoken to roughly they retaliate with interest, 
and, in case of women, often with interest compounded. 
Much friction in mills and much of the moving from 
one mill to another arise from this fact. Labor organ- 
izations in the South will be hampered for some years 
to come by their liability to hasty and untimely action. 
They lack the experience and head-work necessary to 
formulate wise policies. 

[Professor Dowd's article is an interesting illustra- 
tion of what nearly always takes place in the early 
stages of the introduction of modern industry in old 
agricultural communities. The public point of view is 
exclusively that of the capitalist employer, and long 
hours with low wages is the rule. What is now taking 
place in the South is exactly what occurred in New 
England twenty-five years ago ; the difference to-day 
is simply that the New England manufacturers have 
learned economic wisdom enough to recognize and 
treat with labor unions, while the southern mill-owners 
are pursuing the path of economic folly, every step in 
which, sooner or later, they will have to retrace. No 
doubt, as Professor Dowd says, the southern unions are 
frequently rash and ill-managed, but this is largely due 
to the intolerant opposition they are forced to meet. 
In their extension and improvement lies the chief hope 
of decent wages and working conditions in the new 
manufacturing sections of the South.] 



It has been said that each era of prosperity as evi- 
denced by many and many an experience is the advance 
agent of a wave of depression which follows in its 
wake. Equally true is the inverse proposition, and the 
more hopeful among us prefer to regard the subject in 
that light. Certain writers have set the cycle of rise 
and fall at twenty years, as though there were magic 
in that fateful number, but the fact remains that in a 
country subject to conditions of development such as 
bind us here, in a country which has reached a stage in 
its growth so great as we have attained, this term of 
years, indefinite at best, tends constantly to increase 
and the waving line of height and depression seems 
ever to become more straight. 

So in speaking of speculation and panics in this 
time of good cheer it is with no idea of dismal croaking 
that we enter on the subject, but simply to study very 
crudely the interesting phenomena of which the year 
1900 will furnish its due share. 

Speculation exists not to be ignored; few of us 
have escaped its fascination. We are born into an 
atmosphere saturated with it and strengthened in the 
instinct by the hopefulness characteristic of the Amer- 
ican people. 

Now we have prosperity. The people engaged in 
manufacturing industries are employed making and 
saving money. Through a combination of circum- 
stances agriculturalists are also doing well. Those 
who are the media of exchange and those in the pro- 



fessions, being directly dependent upon the first two 
classes mentioned, are thriving as a natural outcome. 
All have or will soon have capital to invest in the pro- 
duction of more wealth. Where will this capital find 
an outlet? Let us enumerate briefly the items in our 

(1) In manufacturing industries, supplying the 
domestic and foreign market. 

(2) In agricultural lands, manufacturing and town 

(3) In mining industries. 

(4) In means of transportation, one of the media 
of exchange. 

(5) In commercial houses, another of the media of 

(6) In banking institutions, another of the media 
of exchange. 

(7) In city real estate. 

(8) In building operations of all kinds in answer 
to a present or supposed future demand. 

Now surplus capital is turned into the above forms 
of investment usually and principally through the fol- 
lowing three channels : 

(1) Money is borrowed from banks by individuals 
or corporations upon security more or less sound. Note 
that while there are legal safeguards to a certain ex- 
tent banks get money from their depositors upon trust 

(2) Promoters secure the money from individuals 
or sets of individuals, it may be corporations, giving in 
return stock or bonds in the new enterprise. 

(3) Individuals invest their own money, see to its 
expenditure, and have a tangible view of their trans- 
formed wealth in the property which they may create. 

The danger from speculation comes in this wise, 
taking our outlets for speculation in their order : 

144 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

(1) Manufacturing Industries. The danger of an 
oversupply in either or both the foreign and domestic 
markets, or the lack of a demand in part or altogether 
as better things supersede the old. 

Labor troubles long continued, which may mean 
ultimate ruin. 

(2) Agricultural Lands. Lack of inherent qualities 
in the soil, adversities due to weather or plague. 

Lack of labor to develop. 

Lack of capital to develop, consequent on an inade- 
quate comprehension in the first instance of the amount 
of necessary outlay before a project becomes self-sup- 

Lack of transportation. 

Manufacturing and city sites are rendered value- 
less by failure of the expected influx of capital and 

(3) Means of Transportation. This class and the 
agricultural, manufacturing and mining are all inter- 
dependent. The transportation lines may be put out 
in advance of the ability of the undeveloped mining, 
manufacturing and agricultural industries to feed them, 
and are for the time being run at a loss. 

(4) Mining Industries, usually projected in futuri- 
ties, we may regard as an important part of our subject 
though not so weighty as manufacturing and agricul- 
ture because not affecting so widespread a population. 
The danger of a "slump" here usually takes more than 
one form. 

(a) Enough money may be raised to open up a 
property, but, confidence waning, not enough more is 
forthcoming to prosecute operations upon a business 

(b) Transportation may be lacking. 

(c) Labor may be hard to find even if the addi- 
tional capital were ready. 

ifoi.] SPECULATION 145 

(d) Danger of dishonest promoters and the in- 
ability of stockholders to get together for an efficient 

So the property becomes a present loss though not 
necessarily a total failure. 

(5 and 6) Commercial Houses and Banking Institutions 
are, as media of exchange, the one of goods the other 
of capital, equally dependent with transportation upon 
something to handle. Their prosperity then hinges 
upon that of agriculture and manufactures and is largely 
determined by the extent of their sphere of action, i. e., 
upon the markets that are within their reach. In say- 
ing that the media of exchange are dependent for their 
success upon something to exchange, it must be re- 
membered that they may be the means of creating that 
something by finding a market for its outlet. 

(7 and 8) City Real Estate and Building Operations are 
city questions. The city depending for its welfare 
upon that of its inhabitants these two items receive 
their value from the status of merchants, bankers, 
traders, manufacturers (including of course their em- 
ployees) and professional men. The manufacturers in 
the city and the agriculturalists without, though assisted 
to their markets and so advanced by the merchants, 
bankers and traders, are in the first instance the meas- 
ure of prosperity or depression. Of the professional 
men the lawyers may give stability and security to en- 
terprise and the engineers promote its details, but the 
remaining professionals while indispensable to society 
do not directly influence the question at issue. 

Having classified the outlets for capital, the chan- 
nels through which it is turned into these outlets, and 
the dangers to which each class is subject, we can now 
consider how panics are started and hastened on their 
ruinous career. The causes are simple and can be ex- 
plained in a word, yet they may be numerous, unde- 

146 GUNTON'b MAGAZINE [February. 

fined in origin and far-reaching in influence even as the 
interests of the members of any society are bound to- 
gether and all affected by change to any one. 

Of the three channels for the outlet of capital, 
banking loans, promoters' receipts, and individual ex- 
penditures under personal supervision, the banks, and 
promoters so far as they can resort to banks, have the 
largest public share in panics, or more properly speak- 
ing, industrial crises of which panics or heavy flurries 
in the money market are but a subdivision. Money 
panics often occur without disturbance to any interests 
other than those of stock-brokers and their clients, as 
when money is needed in the fall to pay for western 
grain, and the banks by calling in their loans cause a 
slump in stocks necessarily thrown on the market t 
meet their demand. 

Individual effort, our third channel, upon failure 
suffers by itself and affects confidence only as it is an 
index to the general conditions. 

Confidence or the lack of it is the keystone to the 
arch upon which rests speculative investment. Re- 
move it and the structure falls to the ground. Not al- 
ways the cause of crises, if the dangers which we have 
already enumerated have been openly invited, it is 
often the occasion when a cause works itself out to a 
legitimate effect. An apple may ripen in the orchard 
in due season and eventually fall of its own weight. 
But the wind blowing through the branches hastens 
a result which gravity would have ultimately attained. 
So lack of confidence shakes the tree of stability upon 
which hang the fortunes of many and many an enter- 
prise, and they fall to earth. 

Distrust born before a political contest may prove 
a check to business until that contest is decided, but 
nothing more. After an election come the serious re- 
sults. Now lack of confidence may become truly a 


cause of evil. Doubt and suspicion may be removed or 
confirmed. Confidence in the continuance or better- 
ment of existing circumstances upon which calculations 
have all been based keeps enterprise sustained unless 
natural dangers, such as those mentioned, be incurred 
by the violation of economic law. Belief that a change 
promised by a political party which has come into 
power will overthrow existing conditions and in all 
probability make them worse has numerous effects : 

(1) Checks the continuance of effort toward sus- 
taining investment until it becomes profitable. 

(2) Is an instigation to the withdrawal of capital 
from certain fields in which it has been placed. 

(3) May depreciate the value of property in cer- 
tain forms, which otherwise would fulfil all the condi- 
tions for successful development. 

(4) And may even affect the interests of all the 
people of a country when such a change strikes at some 
nerve center of the national creation and intercourse 
such as money, a matter which touches the pockets of 
every man. 

So much for the influence of politics on industrial 

Confidence waning and suspicion beginning, indus- 
trial insolvency and general bankruptcy may be the 
outcome. How is this brought about ? 

The people have lent money to banks, the banks 
to promoters, to corporations or to speculative individ- 
uals, this in addition to what we would ordinarily call 
safe investments. The banks of course want to make 
money, and, the bigger the risk they run, either the 
higher per cent, they get or the larger the volume of 
loans they are able to make at a given rate of interest. 
The limit is decided by a balance between their desire 
for large profits and their duty to protect the savings 

148 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

of those who have trusted them, provided government 
law enforces no other restrictions. 

The banks learn that the enterprises in which 
their capital was placed are not paying well enough to 
promise stability. If possible they call in their notes, 
or it may be these become due. It is impossible for 
the individual or corporation, or for a stockholder deal- 
ing in the public market, to pay with stocks purchased 
with money borrowed from banking institutions. It 
may be after this, it may be before, that the general 
public learns that these enterprises are not flourishing 
as they should. Though ignorant of just how or 
where their money was invested, they see so many 
symptoms of feebleness in many new as well as in 
some old and tried projects that they deem it best to 
draw their money from the banks at once. 

Some one or two or a number of persons do so. 
They get their money back. As their influence is and 
in proportion as the knowledge that they have done 
this and the reasons therefor spread among the rest, 
in that proportion is the run on the bank large or small. 
But now the general symptoms of a crash are in the 
air and the feeling of uneasiness grows and extends 
everywhere. The banks, unable to meet demands, 
suspend payment. The people's money is gone, spent 
in works, some of which will never be heard of again ; 
others requiring development which can only come 
with time to make them of any value. 

Of course the banks are only agents. Those who 
have paid their money directly into the hands of pro- 
moters suffer as much, perhaps more, for they have not 
the machinery and organization of the banks at their 
disposal to secure such assets as may have value. 

Business men have advanced goods to small or 
large merchants who are trying to do business in places 
usually new, or in old communities already overstocked. 

i9oi.] SPECULATION 140 

There is no demand. They cannot pay their bills. 
The business man who has credited them owes in his 
turn to the manufacturer or agriculturalist, and goes to 
the wall. The agriculturist may have mortgaged his 
farm and cannot now meet the interest, much less pay 
the principal. The manufacturers, or it may be manu- 
facturing corporations, operating on borrowed money, 
have demands to meet, cannot do it and go under. 
Their money may have come from banks. Thus 
through the banks and back to the people again goes 
the loss and trial. 

Mining ventures follow the same career, and their 
failure comes to swell the public wail in proportion as 
the money invested comes from the many or the few. 
So with land speculations and transportation. So with 
our dependent but important real estate and building 

At the bottom of all a speculative value merges 
into the real only by the application of labor to the sub- 
ject in hand, bearing in mind always that intelligent 
direction of force is as much a part of labor as work of 
the hands. Organization is the mechanism through 
which all force works, whether that force be supplied by 
work of the hands or by the marvelous and intricate 
machinery of the present day. 

So now the surplus of the people as a whole is 
gone, some of it for all time, some of it waiting for 
labor to close the gap between what an investment now 
is and what it may become. What part shall the gov- 
ernment take in spanning the chasm? The subject is 
too broad for a fair treatment here. Van Buren, per- 
haps rightly from his point of view, refused to build 
the bridge. Hamilton indicated by all his works that 
such would have been his attempt in any event. His 
financial genius more than that of any statesman of our 
country or of any other was equal to the task. Not 


that government should seek to postpone the inevitable 
crash which comes of speculation long persisted in, but 
it should seek to check panic in some way, until by 
earnest effort and not by vain imaginings values become 
more real. 

The only external check upon indiscriminate spec- 
ulation will spring from a law requiring all corpora- 
tions and stock companies to publish at intervals reports 
of their resources and liabilities, thus exposing their 
operations to the light of day. To give a just and 
equitable effect to such a law is one of the problems 
baffling our statesmen now. 

Reorganization of the banking system in such a 
way that hard times will find the banks better able to 
meet the situation is a great study of itself, and endless 
schemes looking to greater elasticity in the system have 
been suggested. 

All internal remedy must lie in the educated and 
progressive business sense of our people. It is very 
probable that for some time to come the only check 
will lie in the sobering shock of an old-time panic, the 
only channel through which restraint can reach 
those upon whom it is to be imposed. But let us look 
forward to better things. 

Perhaps our future has been mortgaged in the 
prospect of present gain. Patiently we must begin to 
pay these debts, patiently toil to accumulate anew a 
reserve for coming years. 



Outside of the telegraph the history of what we 
may call applied electricity is practically only twenty- 
rive years old. If the most advanced scientist of the 
days of the centennial exhibition had died then and 
were to return to-day he would be bewildered by the 
various adaptations of this subtle power. 

In no other period of the world's history have 
there been so many scientific applications of a single 
force as that of electricity, and the most advanced 
electrician is the least disposed to limit its range in the 
future. To-day one million people are employed in 
the United States in enterprises which depend upon 
electricity. At the beginning of the period of our text 
hardly a telephone was in public use anywhere in the 
world. In 1880 less than 35,000 miles of wire and only 
3,350 employees were reported, while at this moment 
there is in this country alone something like $85,000,- 
ooo invested in telephones, controlling 600,000 miles 
of wire and employing fully 15,000 persons. 

Fifteen years ago there was not an electric road in 
full operation in the world. But now in the United 
States alone there are 15,000 miles of them, costing 
$900,000,000. Ten years since there were only two 
or three electric power and light companies here. To- 
day we have 10,000 of them representing a capital of 
$500,000,000. Especially during the last six or eight 
years has the application of this force been marvelous, 
not only in the different channels of its present use, but 
also in the enormous pressures to which it is subject 
for man's convenience. In no respect is it more start- 


152 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

ling than in its transmission over long lines. Four 
years ago the highest pressure employed was 10,000 
volts, that being the force used I believe on the line 
between Buffalo and Niagara. Within fifteen months 
this pressure was doubled, and to-day 40,000 volts are 
in use. The increase in this respect means a good 
deal from an economical standpoint, for the higher the 
pressure the more economical is the plant, because the 
conductivity of a copper thread increases as the square 
of the pressure. 

Relatively therefore you require less metal with a 
high potential than with a low one. And while on this 
subject we may notice that though the transmission 
pressure is used in excess of what is required by the 
purpose of the current, and for which purpose it is 
transformed to the point needed, as for manufacturing, 
lighting and propelling, still it will not be forgotten 
that the limit of the possible voltage determines the 
distance to which that power can be profitably sent. 
This becomes of consequence in reference to the loca- 
tion of the site for the use of the power with regard to 
its source. In other words, it becomes of the highest 
moment to determine whether the source of supply can 
transmit the current one, two or any other number of 

For example: at present the farthest distance to 
which the Niagara current is sent is but little more than 
twenty miles. But there are plants now in operation 
which transmit the current four or five times that dis- 
tance. This being so, a water privilege is no longer 
valuable simply for those electrical industries in its 
immediate vicinity; so that, the manufacturer who 
happens to live where fuel is comparatively scarce will 
suffer no disadvantage in using such a transmitted cur- 
rent as compared with the one whose factory is situated 
where fuel is plentiful. Only a few weeks ago the 


Snoqualmie Falls Power Company of Seattle performed 
the feat of driving an electric motor one hundred and 
fifty-three miles distant from the generator. 

Returning from this digression we notice a few of 
the things now accomplished by electricity, which until 
within a few years were considered impossible. Thus 
the use of the electric arc renders possible the creation 
of a temperature of 7,200 degrees Fahr. This is more 
than strong enough to reduce to its first elements every 
known substance. Gold, platinum, copper, may be 
volatilized in the electric furnace ; copper, steel and 
nickel may be welded, and carborundum, the hardest 
known substance next to the diamond, is now made at 

By means of electricity one's handwriting may be 
sent by telegraph, and half-tone pictures reproduced 
many miles away from the subject. We can crowd a 
wire with seventy simultaneous messages, and by 
touching a button in Washington one can in a moment 
alter clocks all over the United States to the true time. 

There is no form of machine but what may be run 
by this current, from the ponderous engine down to the 
churn in the dairy ; and when we have turned in won- 
der from the motions of the mighty crank that moves 
and stops in obedience to the hand that presses the 
lever we can turn the fluid's sparkling current to account 
to enable us to see every bone, sinew and' muscle in 
that hand. 

Tiny incandescent lamps may be swallowed and 
the hidden anatomy of the stomach be revealed without 
impairing its processes. By it we can separate alumi- 
nium from the earth and thereby furnish it for a frac- 
tion of its former cost. The home may be heated, 
lighted, ventilated, and the elevator run by it. And 
we are here reminded that one of the latest appliances 
of electricity enables us with perfect safety to use an 

1$4 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

elevator by means of a storage battery without requiring 
an attendant to the machine. 

Electrolysis separates from a vat of common brine 
the chlorine and sodium, and thus two valuable chem- 
ical agents are produced. You can place drugs on a 
moistened electrode, and they can be carried intact to 
diseased parts of the system. We cut coal by electricity 
and the same force moves the pit-car to the mouth of 
the shaft and hoists the coal to the surface. It even 
ministers to the toilet of the man or woman of fashion, 
and can be used to stimulate the hair or destroy it, 
according to our wishes. 

We put it in the form of a hundred gleaming stars 
on our horse's harness and store it under the carriage- 
seat to light our vehicle. It is no longer an open 
question as to whether our railroads will eventually be 
electric roads, the main difficulty being the value of our 
present locomotives, with reference to the cost of laying 
them aside for the electric motor, and the next genera- 
tion will wonder how we endured the smoke and steam 
and grime incident to our "steam-cars." 

The possibilities of wireless telegraphy are too 
many to keep it long in what are now its initial stages. 
Only a few weeks since, Prof. Fessenden and his assist- 
ant, Prof. Kintner, of the Western University of Penn- 
sylvania, were reported as having produced a receiver 
for this means of communication, which is 2,000 times 
as sensitive as Marconi's coherer. The latter has shown 
that he can send messages 90 miles, and the improved 
receiver must of necessity lengthen this distance. 

If so many of these things have already been 
accomplished the query naturally arises, what yet 
remains to be done? The question is necessarily 
indefinite but suggestive. We have spoken of the high 
voltage of the transmission-line and the enormous 
power thus possible to be conveyed. A difficulty in 


this branch met the experimenters at the outset, to 
invent insulators strong enough to withstand the strong 
pressure. This has been overcome only to present 
another arising from electrical leakage. At 30,000 
volts this is hardly noticeable, but when this voltage 
is doubled the loss on bare wires becomes too serious 
as an economical factor to be passed by. It has been 
suggested that placing the wires under ground or 
enclosing them in tubes and placing oil in contact with 
the copper might reduce materially the leakage. 

Another undeveloped field of the highest import- 
ance is the direct transformation of heat into electricity. 
When this is done the great heat stores, as already 
suggested, will become of much greater value in the 
production of a given electrical end than now, and 
cheaper electricity will result. 

The sun and the tides are being canvassed to see if 
their exhaustless stores of energy can be utilized as 
electric creators. Nay, who will say that the magnetic 
currents on the earth's surface may not be harnessed 
for the same purpose? This may seem only a dream, 
but so was the conception that first saw in Niagara's 
rushing waters the potential strength of a mighty 

For years we have been taught that there is elec- 
tricity within and all about us, generated wholly by 
natural forces. Now, that supply is supplemented by 
the handiwork of man, ministering to his wants and 
comforts until trade and art and science fairly bristle 
with them. Franklin's key and kite have evolved the 
mightiest force of nature as a servant to man, tireless, 
resting neither night nor day. 


IN HIS RECENT address before the Holland Society, 
Mr. Cleveland gave another demonstration of his 
capacity as a prophet of pessimism. He gave all the 
influence of his imposing ponderosity to the solemn 
prediction that we are going to the bad, but he had no 
hint of a helpful suggestion to offer. His every appear- 
ance before the public seems to justify his reputation 
as a messenger of misfortune. When he cannot lead to 
disaster he predicts it, but fortunately he has been 
retired and for all practical purposes belongs to the 

IT is WITH no little surprise that we note in the 
December number of Money an article by its editor urg- 
ing the republican party to emphasize its adherence to 
the doctrine of international bimetalism. In the evo- 
lution of the subject the republican party has finally 
taken the position of a gold-standard party. The con- 
version from free silver to international bimetalism and 
ultimately to the gold standard has been a gradual his- 
toric process, and any return to the free -silver doctrine, 
international or national, would be a retrogressive step. 

Of the two kinds of free silverites the international 
bimetalist is the worst, because he tends to keep the 
subject in agitation on the theory that it is the true 
future position, whereas the world is gradually tending 
away from bimetalism altogether. The i6-to-i silver 
advocate has become less dangerous because the absurd- 
ity of his position is more obvious. The future improve- 
ment of our monetary system lies in the direction of 
better methods of banking and not in any new agitation 
about the standard. 



IT is ANNOUNCED that Mr. John D. Archbold has 
contributed $400,000 to the endowment fund of Syra- 
cuse University, and simultaneously comes the infor- 
mation that Mr. Andrew Carnegie has contributed 
$260,000 for the building of a public library in Syra- 
cuse, following only by a few months his contribution 
of $300,000 to Cooper Union, New York city. This 
shows that our wealthy men are more and more seri- 
ously realizing the importance of furthering opportuni- 
ties for education. No better use can be made of great 
wealth. The problems that are to be faced in this 
country during the next twenty-five years are going to 
be solved in a contest between the forces of construct- 
ive, progressive, intelligent evolution and the forces of 
socialism. The socialistic propaganda is already in the 
lead. It has an organized army and a political chief in 
the person of Mr. Bryan, and it feeds on social distrust 
of industrial progress. Education of public opinion, 
particularly among the masses, is the only weapon with 
which this movement of hazardous experiment and 
disruption can be successfully met. 

INCONSISTENCY and insincerity sometimes look so 
much alike that it is difficult to distinguish between 
them. There are certain newspapers in New York 
city which are so near the border line and so frequently 
cross it as to justify the suspicion that they belong to 
the less ethical side. These papers constantly parade 
their virtues as the guardians of political ethics, yet 
they are generally among the first to find reasons for 
questioning the motives or denouncing the wisdom of 
any official who has the courage effectively to deal with 
scandalous political conduct. This was illustrated in 
the hostile attitude of certain New York papers toward 
Governor Roosevelt's removal of District Attorney 
Gardiner of New York city, despite their moral pre- 


tences. Every clean-minded and patriotic citizen of 
New York, and for that matter of the country, feels 
that the moral atmosphere was cleared and political in- 
tegrity strengthened by the governor's act. The 
American people have more faith in the virile integ- 
rity of such men as Roosevelt, even though they make 
some mistakes, than in the ethics of the cynical critics 
whose chief virtue is to find fault with whatever is, and 
take more comfort in picking a technical flaw in a vir- 
tuous act than in supporting the courage and energy 
that takes some risks in favor of public honesty and 
political decency. 

IN THE DEATH of Michael G. Mulhall the world has 
lost one of the most remarkable statisticians of the nine- 
teenth century. Unlike most statisticians, Mr. Mulhall 
had the faculty of marshalling statistics into massive 
generalizations and at the same time reducing them to 
intelligible specific quantities. Dr. Giffen is probably 
a more painstaking original investigator, but his results 
are neither as comprehensive nor as intelligible as were 
those of Mulhall. The great work of Mulhall was not 
in original investigation, but in the massing and mar- 
shalling into comprehensive form the work of the 
world's investigators. He took the statistics of differ- 
ent nations and made them intelligible to the average 
mind. It may be said that he was not as accurate in 
minutiae as some others, but he dealt with such large 
quantities and in such a methodical way that minor de- 
fects were offset and practically eliminated. In other 
words, he had a faculty for and developed a system of 
reducing the world's doings to the comprehension of 
the ordinary mind. In his hands the average person 
could understand almost at a glance statistics that run 
into the billions. He did this so well and so persist- 
ently that by sheer force of his superior ability he be- 


came the most frequently quoted authority. He was a 
statistical genius, who, besides having the eminent fac- 
ulty for statistics, had the power of organization. He 
reduced his work to a system which it is to be hoped is 
sufficiently well-established to remain a permanent 
source of world- wide statistical information. 

IN HIS RECENT address at the University of Mich- 
igan ex- President Harrison gave the key for his silence 
during the recent national campaign. He advocated in 
vigorous terms the doctrine that the constitution must 
accompany the flag. If by governing under the con- 
stitution he means giving the people full rights of suf- 
frage and self-government with representation in con- 
gress, then all our territorial government has been un- 
constitutional. If Mr. Harrison contends that when 
the flag goes to Porto Rico and the Philippines and 
Hawaii it must carry with it all the rights of American 
citizenship that are exercised in Indiana, he should 
oppose annexation of inferior peoples altogether. But 
he started the present annexation movement by annex- 
ing Hawaii, a group of people economically, politically 
and socially inferior to most of the inhabitants of Porto 
Rico and probably to many of the Filipinos. If Mr. 
Harrison is in favor of annexing barbarism, with the full 
privileges of United States citizens, he is advocating 
the most dangerous doctrine that has ever been pro- 
mulgated in this country. 

To take the position of ex-Speaker Reed and Sen- 
ator Hoar that the annexation of barbarians is a bad 
and even dangerous departure from American policy is 
sound and defensible, but to advocate the annexation 
of unclad savages and then insist that the constitution 
must accompany the flag is a combination which makes 
an intolerable doctrine for the United States or any 
other civilized country. If we are to have the strict 


construction doctrine that ' ' the constitution goes with 
the flag," then we must scrupuously avoid letting the 
flag go where the people are industrially and politically 
unfit for the constitution. Mr. Harrison's address at 
Ann Arbor does not sustain his reputation for statesman- 
ship and legal learning. If his annexation theory and 
practice is sound his constitutional doctrine is bad, and 
if his constitutional doctrine is right his theory of 
statesmanship is disastrous. 

GOVERNOR ODELL of New York appears to be 
ambitious to make a record for economy. He has 
begun by urging the abolition of many of the state 
commissions, among which he has selected the board 
of arbitration, the board of factory inspectors and the 
bureau of labor statistics. The work hitherto done by 
these three boards he recommends should all be per- 
formed by one new department. This may save a few 
dollars but it will impair the scope and efficiency of a 
line of work that should be increased and strengthened 
instead of curtailed. Instead of reducing the work of 
factory inspection it should be increased. The demand 
for workshop inspection in the interest of wholesome 
labor conditions is increasing every year. Similarly, 
the work of the bureau of labor statistics should not be 
curtailed but rather extended. The data furnished by 
an efficient bureau of labor statistics is altogether more 
important than a governor's staff ; it furnishes a reliable 
basis for sound discussion of public questions. There 
is ample room for criticism of the work of these 
bureaus, because they have been equipped largely by 
political patronage instead of competent, efficient ap- 
pointments. The one mistake Governor Roosevelt 
made was in assuming that he could get efficient 
service by parcelling out these positions to trade 
unions. He soon found that trade unions were won- 


derfully like political organizations. As soon as they 
saw an office they all wanted it, and it was a disgrace- 
ful struggle in which all united to abuse the one who 
got it. If these appointments were made solely on the 
ground of fitness, regardless of trade union or any other 
" pull," the boards of factory inspection, labor statistics, 
and arbitration, would be three important features of 
the state government and would be worth to the public 
many times more than their cost. Abolishing these 
bureaus or lumping them all under a single head with 
reduced force would be a step backwards, distinctly 
detrimental to the interests of labor throughout the 
state, and against which the workingmen ought vigor- 
ously to protest. 

EUROPE is evidently becoming disturbed by the 
striking progress of the United States. M. Leroy- 
Beaulieu, the French economist, has sounded the alarm 
and proposes a social union of Europe against the 
United States. He says : 

" They are on the point of becoming by far the most important 
economic factor in the world. They may henceforth be regarded as the 
first industrial nation, and their superiority will become more strikingly 
evident year by year. Moreover, they will very soon have a consider- 
able mercantile marine." 

To prevent this he proposes a practically prohibi- 
tive or highly discriminating duty against American 
products throughout Europe. There is not much 
danger that such a scheme will immediately prevail, 
because of the suspicion and rivalry between many of 
the European countries, particularly France and Eng- 
land. This, following Mr. Chamberlain's proposition 
for an industrial confederacy between England and her 
colonies, having free trade within and imposing a duty 
on all imports from without, shows the trend of affairs. 
It shows that instead of the world growing towards free 


trade it is altogether likely to adopt a more comprehen- 
sive system of protection, and that, after all, the great 
and most important thing any nation can do for the 
perpetuation of its own growth and prosperity is to 
develop its own market resources through domestic 
consumption. There is a lesson in this that American 
statesmen will do well to learn. Those doctrinaires 
who assume that either England or the United States, 
or both, are going to be permitted long to monopolize 
the markets of other countries for manufactured prod- 
ucts are counting without the facts. The most ordi- 
nary self-interest in social advancement will invent 
some method to stop any such monopoly. As progress 
advances, it becomes more and more obvious that 
civilization and national power are incompatible with 
merely agricultural industries. Manufactures and com- 
merce, with their socializing effect upon population, are 
indispensable to any appreciable national strength; 
consequently, every nation is going to become a manu- 
facturing country as fast as it shares in any appreciable 
degree in the world's consumption of manufactured 


The inauguration of the "Ruskin Hall" movement 
in this country, by the starting of a school at Trenton, 
Missouri, raises the question of the possible place of 
such a propaganda among the educational forces of the 
nation. The school at Trenton is to be operated by the 
income received from students, who will provide for a 
considerable part of their tuition and living expenses 
by working on a farm connected with the institution. 
On its practical side there is nothing particularly novel 
about this plan, there are numerous worthy educa- 
tional institutions in this country conducted in much 
the same way. But the next step the Ruskin Hall peo- 
ple have in view is to establish branch schools in cities 
throughout the country and carry on a propaganda of 
economic doctrine by means of these schools, supple- 
mented by home-study courses. The point of view and 
general character of instruction given will, of course, 
be largely determined by the influence of John Ruskin ; 
which, in economics, means socialism pure and simple. 

It is hardly worth while to comment on the pros- 
pects of an undertaking before it has been submitted to 
the test of practical experience, but it is not out of place 
to discuss its probable effect in case it succeeds. With- 
out minimizing the elevating and stimulating character 
of much of Ruskin's teaching in certain important 
fields, it cannot be said that his economic notions were 
either sound in theory or helpful in their practical rela- 
tion to society. Minor points aside, the two really 
characteristic and vital features of Ruskin's economic 
thought were antagonism to mechanical industry and 
the use of machinery, on the one hand, and thorough 
belief in a socialistic reorganization of society on the 


164 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

Ruskin is regarded as the most prominent repre- 
sentative, probably, of the literary school of modern 
socialists. In this country several communistic experi- 
ments have flourished (and most of them withered) un- 
der the name of "Ruskin colonies." One of these, 
started in Tennessee and afterwards reestablished in 
Ware County, Georgia, was thus described by a writer 
in the Savavnah (Ga.) News, last October : 

' ' The Ruskinites have demonstrated by actual ex- 
perience the lowest possible daily cost for food for their 
entire community. . . . 

' ' Everything they consume is bought at wholesale, 
in large quantities, and is cooked in the community 
kitchen. In the community dining-room tables are set 
for three hundred people. Those who do not wish to 
eat with the crowd are given the privilege of purchasing 
company stores and cooking it at home. When vege- 
tables are scarce these people are allowed seven cents 
per capita a day, that is, seven cents for each person, 
big, little, old, young, sick or well. When vegetables 
are plentiful the cash allowance is only five cents. As 
the community raises its own vegetables, the approxi- 
mate cost is only about two cents per capita a day f 
making the actual cost of living at Ruskin from seven 
to nine cents a day for each man, woman and child. 

"Let us go into the community dining-room and 
see how they live. We go at the invitation of Professor 
Denny, an eminent socialist speaker and scholar. In a 
large room 20 feet wide and 150 feet long we see nearly 
three hundred men, women and children seated at long 
tables. Breakfast is our first meal. It is well prepared, 
savory and daintily served. We make a wholesome 
meal on light bread furnished by the colony baker, but- 
ter, Georgia syrup, oatmeal, Irish potatoes, milk, cereal 
coffee and sugar. Sometimes we have fried mush with 
fruits and jellies. 


' l Our dinner generally varies according to the sea- 
son. Meat only comes to the table twice a week. The 
bill of fare usually consists of rice or peas, beans or 
macaroni, some two or more of these ; Georgia syrup, 
beets, tomatoes, eggplants, potatoes, soup, bread and 
cereal coffee cereal coffee is manufactured by the col- 
onists and is one of their main industries. 

" For supper, cheese in some form, lemonade, cake, 
rice or beans, sugar, grits, mush, fried potatoes, cold 
tea and bread. The person visiting Ruskin and taking 
his meals in the community dining-room will have the 
above bill of fare placed before him, with slight varia- 
tions. He will find that it is not only possible, but 
practicable, for people to live at a cost of from seven to 
nine cents a day per capita." 

The same writer, in speaking of the economic views 
and purposes of these colonists, says : 

" The Ruskinites are socialists. . . . They be- 
lieve firmly in the doctrine that society should be reor- 
ganized by regulating property, industry and the 
sources of livelihood. They also believe in a community 
of property and the negation of individual rights in 
that property." 

t The only significance of this illustration is that it 
shows the kind of efforts which naturally spring out of 
Ruskin's economic influence, and even adopt his name 
as best typifying the spirit of the undertaking. There 
need be no uncertainty, and ought to be no lack of 
clear understanding, as to just what sort of ' ' educa- 
tional " work this Ruskin Hall movement is designed 
to perform. 

Any propaganda which has for its background a 
practically communistic reorganization of society on the 
basis of a return to agricultural conditions and hand-labor 
industry, leading its votaries to glorify such a pitiable 
ideal as being able to live on seven to nine cents a day, 

1<J6 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

cannot fill any useful place in modern educational effort 
or exert any wholesome influence on public opinion or 
upon the world's great industrial tendencies. The fatal 
defect of Ruskin's economic teaching, which deprives 
it of any really scientific standing and destroys its 
capacity for broad practical usefulness, is the fact that it 
arrays itself arbitrarily against the natural evolution of 
industrial society, instead of recognizing the broad 
advantages and opportunity-making character of this 
progress and pointing out ways and means of removing 
its hardships and defects while preserving and aiding 
the general trend. 

When it does teach preservation of the general good 
and removal of the specific evils, economics becomes 
both the guide and purifier of industrial progress, but 
an economic philosophy cast on the general lines of 
Ruskin's reactionary doctrines can never be anything 
in its total effect but a stumbling block in the pathway 
of social progress. 

Ruskin was by nature incapable of formulating a 
sound and well-balanced philosophy of social progress. 
The reasons for this disqualification were fundamental, 
and perhaps could not be better summarized than has 
already been done by Charles H. Moore in the Atlantic 
Monthly of last October. In a paragraph Mr. Moore 
states the essential features of Ruskin's economic in- 
capacity : 

"For a social reformer Ruskin was not well 
equipped, either by nature or by education. He did not 
see that men must be led in freedom. He did not re- 
spect freedom. He did not see that character can be 
formed only by voluntary conformity with the divine 
laws of life. Repression and compulsion, while neces- 
sary under existing conditions for the maintenance of 
outward order, have no potency to reform human na- 
ture. He would enforce principles of right living, and 


the slowness of men to conform to such principles made 
him impatient. But a reformer needs vast patience. 
Impatience, anxiety, irritability and excitability are 
weaknesses which unfit a man to help his fellows ; and, 
with all his genius and all his nobility of soul, Ruskin 
had these weaknesses in large measure." 

There is crying need of broader, more helpful and 
a thousand-fold more extensive popular education in 
economics in this country, but it must be education of 
the sort that illuminates the pathway of natural evolu- 
tion, instead of attracting the nation by false lights, into 
the byways and pitfalls of revolutionary and reaction- 
ary experiments. 


Two Points In summing tip the results of nineteenth- 

E^N* ^ d century progress, it appears that educa- 
tion is one of the few departments in which 
the United States has not led the world ; probably has 
not made as much progress as some other nations. Six- 
ty years ago we were, with one exception, at the head 
of the world in the general extent of education. That 
is to say, we had a larger percentage of adults who 
could read and write than any other nation except Ger- 
many. In 1840, 80 per cent, of the adults in this coun- 
try could read and write. In Germany there were 82 
per cent. To-day Germany has 96 per cent, and we 
have 92. In 1840 Russia had only 2 per cent, who 
could read and write, to-day it has only 15 per cent. 
Italy, sixty years ago, had 16 per cent., and now has 47 
per cent. Spain had 14 per cent, in 1840, and has now 
only 28 per cent. England in 1840 had 59 per cent., 
and now has 90 per cent. In other words, England was 
25 percent, behind us sixty years ago, and is only about 
2 per cent, behind to-day. It has made more rapid 
progress in education than we. This is an important 
matter. To be sure, illiteracy in this country is not 
very great, and it may be true and undoubtedly is that 
the percentage is largely affected by the South ; but 
this only shows where the need for special effort is. If 
this country is to keep to the front as a real power in 
civilization it must keep up with its education, evenly 
throughout the land. Wealth, industrial prosperity, 
nothing will avail ultimately if it is not so directed as 
to show a large part of its results in the general infor- 
mation and culture of the people. 

The same is largely true of our relative progress 



in municipal government. Europe has made more 
rapid progress than we. Our industrial advancement 
has been so all-absorbing that municipal government 
has been relatively neglected. 

We do not say this in a pessimistic mood. Our coun- 
try is not disgracefully in the rear in education and mu- 
nicipal government, but we cannot afford to be at all in 
the rear. These two things are more important with us 
than with almost any other nation, because we are facing 
new conditions and more complex problems than any 
other country, and we have to face them unreservedly 
by democratic methods. They are submitted, not to a 
little cultured group but unqualifiedly to the people, 
and the people must have the intelligence to deal with 
them or our institutions will fail. 

The annual statement of William T. 

Education in Our TT . TT ., ., ~, . - 

New Possessions Harris, United States commissioner of 
education, contains some interesting re- 
ports of the educational conditions in' our outlying ter- 
ritories and possessions. 

In Alaska 25 public schools have been maintained 
during the past year, but on account of the increasing 
population the present school facilities have become 
wholly inadequate. The immigration of white men 
has aroused an interest in education among the adult 
native Alaskans, and in several sections there have 
been requests for night schools. It has been impossible 
to comply with these requests except in one instance, 
but the results there have been most satisfactory. 

A brief account is given of the condition of schools 
in the Philippines before the disturbances of 1896- '97, 
and their reestablishment under United States author- 
ity, but no information is offered as to progress since 
made and the present status of the schools, possibly 
because our efforts have been more actively directed 


thus far to pursuing the recalcitrant Filipino with the 
bayonet than with the school book. 

In Cuba there has been a more thorough reorgani- 
zation of the school system than in any of the other 
sections reported. Boards of education have been es- 
tablished, a superintendent of schools appointed, who 
prescribes the courses of study, free text-books fur- 
nished and attendance made compulsory under fines of 
from $5 to $25. In March, 1900, there were reported 
131 boards of education, 3,099 schools, 3,500 teachers 
and 130,000 enrolled pupils. In 1899 there were only 
200 schools with an attendance of 4,000. The school 
fund is taken from the customs receipts and the esti- 
mate for 1900 was $4,000,000. 

The report of the conditions in Porto Rico agrees 
substantially with that made by M. G. Brumbaugh, 
commissioner of education for that island, to which we 
referred in our last issue. Intellectual apathy, born of 
poverty, seems to pervade the island, and until the 
United States took possession there was almost no at- 
tempt at popular education. Progress has been made 
in the past two years but the results do not compare 
with those in Cuba. 

In Hawaii the missionaries have carried on more or 
less effective educational work for nearly a century. 
The people have been eager to learn, and schools and 
colleges have sprung up. As early as 1840 there was 
a compulsory school law with penalties for non-attend- 
ance, applying to both parents and children, as well 
as a law which provided that no illiterate man should 
" hold office over any other man." With the coming 
of Englishmen there was an increase in the number and 
quality of the schools, the most important change being 
the teaching of English instead of the Hawaiian lan- 
guage. At the present time in nearly all the schools 
in Hawaii English is the medium of instruction. 


This department belongs to our readers, and offers them full oppor- 
tunity to "talk back" to the editor, give information, discuss topics or 
ask questions on subjects within the field covered by GUNTON'S MAGA- 
ZINE. All communications, whether letters for publication or inquiries 
for the ' Question Box," must be accompanied by the full name and ad- 
dress of the writer. This is not required for publication, if the writer 
objects, but as evidence of good faith. Anonymous correspondents are 


Our Philippine Policy 


Dear Sir: Many of the views expressed in your 
magazine are, I think, admirably sustained, but I 
cannot fully endorse what seems to be your position as 
to the course of the administration in dealing with the 
Philippines. I cannot possibly see how any other 
course could have been pursued. President McKinley 
was bound to sustain the authority of the United States 
therein. Had he failed so to do he would have been 
liable to impeachment. These islands have been gov- 
erned just as our other territories have been. We 
have kept some of them out of the union many years, 
and it will be many years before the Philippines will 
be in such condition as to enable us to determine what 
will be best for them, for us, and for the world. That 
which will tend to promote their own best interests will 
surely be best for the world at large, and I think every 
sane man will conclude that our rule will best subserve 
that purpose. J. W. S., Sault Ste. Marie, Mich. 

Sentiments That Are Appreciated 


Dear Sir: Your January number is the first copy 
of your magazine I ever saw, that I know of, and I 



confess I am pleased with the tone of the articles and 
the lines along which you seem to be moving with ref- 
erence to public affairs, recognizing the good that is 
and at the same time demanding and expecting progress 
in the future. It seems to me that the best results can 
be obtained not by expecting a complete change of the 
present order of things, and that your magazine will 
supply a real need and meet with many sympathizers 
among a large class of people who are not completely 
and fully satisfied with every condition of the body, 
social and politic, and yet are not so filled with pessi- 
mistic sentiments, which are seemingly cherished, as 
to see no hope in anything, unless such advice as they 
approve is followed seriatim on all questions. What 
pleased me most in your magazine was that I caught no 
suggestion of any of the above spirit, a too common 
spirit, both in the press and in private discussions. I 
am glad to become acquainted with a magazine which 
appears to possess the spirit of poise in its editorial 
department. C. H. P., Greenfield, Mass. 


Future of the British Empire 


DEAR SIR: Mr. Schey's article in your January 
number certainly makes out a cheerful showing for 
Australia, but what does it all point to, if not the break- 
ing up of the British empire into independent republics 
Australia, Canada, South Africa, and so on, leaving 
England only her island kingdom? The bonds are 
becoming so weak that it begins to look like an impend- 
ing breakdown of the greatest colonial system in the 
world. J. S. P. 

Yes, true progress means the breaking up of em- 
pires everywhere, German anc]. French as well as Brit- 
ish. As prosperity advances and labor grows the essence 
of empire is sure to decline, and colonies governed 
by distant authorities will disappear. Canada and 
Australia can only be held nominally by Great Britain 
because they are permitted practically to be republics. 
Progress is towards self-government, which is the 
antithesis of colonial government. If we attempt to 
establish a colonial system we shall be taking on what 
even progressive monarchy is throwing off. This 
republic may consistently cooperate with struggling 
people to help them establish representative govern- 
ment, but we cannot enter upon a colonial policy with- 
out radically departing from the principle of our insti- 
tutions, and the trend of political progress everywhere. 

Socialism's Defeats and Prospects 


DEAR SIR: Because a socialist mayor has been 
defeated in Haverhill, you seem to think socialism is 


174 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

done for. How many years ago was it that the idea of 
a socialist being a formidable candidate for anything 
was an absurdity? How many centuries did it take 
people to win the right even to have a free religious 
opinion, and then only in one corner of Europe? How 
many centuries has it taken the masses in only a few 
countries to get merely the right to vote? How many 
defeats and long discouragements have they had? A 
righteous cause may be ten centuries in winning, but 
do not imagine it is going to be wiped out by an occa- 
sional setback in one place while victories are being 
won in dozens of others. E. N. G. 

Our correspondent is mistaken. We do not "think 
socialism is done for " at all. It is entirely true that it 
has taken centuries of continuous struggle to win the 
civil, religious and economic freedom that is now en- 
joyed. It is equally true that a local setback did not de- 
feat but only delayed the movement. A righteous cause 
may indeed be centuries in winning, and if progress con- 
tinues it is sure to win. It is because socialism is not a 
"righteous cause," in the sense of being a sound social 
movement, that we look for its failure wherever the 
experiment is tried. Thus far, in all the forms of 
attempted socialistic government, the result has been 
disappointing failure. It is because socialism is opposed 
to the highest type of individual freedom that we expect 
its failure wherever tried. It is based, moreover, upon 
a false economic assumption : namely, that profit or 
"surplus value" is robbery, which is not true, and 
cannot be sustained either by logic or fact. 

It is true that every religious cause has to struggle 
for recognition, but it does not follow that every religion 
that struggles for recognition is true. On the contrary, 
mistaken panaceas outnumber many times the sound 
measures which make for permanent progress. Social- 

i90i.] QUESTION SOX 175 

ism is an unsound theory, and, although it will probably 
have to be exploded by some degree of actual experi- 
menting with it, the degree of its temporary success 
will be the measure of social misfortune and setback to 
real progress during its continuance. 

European and American Municipal Government 


Dear Sir: Is it not generally recognized that mu- 
nicipal government is much farther advanced in Europe 
than in the United States, especially in respect to mu- 
nicipal ownership of public enterprises? If so, cer- 
tainly this is the first step we should take to make our 
city institutions what they should be. E. M. S. 

European experiments in municipal ownership of 
public enterprises are not the respect in which their cities 
are superior to ours. The respect in which municipal 
government in Europe is more advanced than here is in 
wholesomeness of political methods and broad-minded 
attention to public improvements. In fact, public spirit 
in Europe has been altogether more largely absorbed in 
municipal government than in national government. It 
is in municipal government that the democratic spirit 
there has made its greatest progress, whereas in this 
country municipal government has been the neglected 
feature of our public life. The natural consequence is 
that in Europe the cities are better governed, freer from 
political corruption, and consequently freer from job- 
bery in conducting municipal enterprises. There are 
no Tammanys ; such institutions have not had the op- 
portunity to take advantage of the people's inexperience 
in civic affairs and absorption in other pursuits that they 
have here. The characterful and responsible citizens 
take an active part in municipal affairs and are fre- 
quently elected to the most responsible offices. In this 

176 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

country municipal government is conducted largely by 
cliques, and offices are given to incompetents, with the 
result that local departments, like the New York city 
police, become blackmailing and vice-protecting insti- 
tutions instead of guardians of the public interests. 

It is in these respects that Europe is farther ad- 
vanced than the United States in municipal government, 
and this is partly due to the methods of selecting candi- 
dates for office. In Europe they have no delegate con- 
ventions, where a few unscrupulous persons, through 
the power of patronage, can buy and sell offices and con- 
trol the selection of candidates. In England, for in- 
stance, the nominations are made by petitions, so that 
any comparatively small group of citizens can put a 
candidate in nomination and thus easily reach the peo- 
ple without the intervention of " bosses, "as in this 
country. Indeed, that is perhaps the worst feature of 
our whole municipal political machinery. 

New York City Politics, Now and in 1897 


Dear Sir: You are certainly on the right side of 
the case when you say that the people of New York city 
are as willing to give the city government to Tammany 
as to the republican organization. The two machines 
do trade with each other all the time ;. there is no doubt 
of it, and they have always done it. This was just as 
true in 1897 as it is now, and I cannot understand why 
you supported the republican candidate for mayor that 
year if you recognized the true situation as you seem to 
do now. There was a chance then to keep out both 
machines and start the greater city under an honest and 
able mayor, free from local partisan control. Mr. Low 
did some exasperating things, no doubt, but you do not 

igoi.] QUESTION BOX 177 

imagine, do you, but what the republican machine pre- 
ferred to see Van Wyck elected, if necessary, to defeat 
Mr. Low? J. D. 

It may be true that "dealing" between the republi- 
can organization in New York city and Tammany "was 
just as true in 1897 as it is now." If it was we did not 
know it and did not believe it. It has been demon- 
strated over and over again since the Tweed era (1872) 
that Tammany is a corrupt and corrupting institution ; 
that it is not in any legitimate sense a political party 
but a private organization which goes into politics for 
what it can make. Several official investigations have 
conclusively shown that in the pursuit of its object it 
uses the political administration for blackmail in its 
vilest forms, by conspiring with the vicious classes, 
furnishing protection to crime for a division of the 
booty. It has been shown that this method of black- 
mail and corruption permeates every department of the 
government over which Tammany has control ; that the 
police force is an organized system of corruption, black- 
mail and persecution conducted on a systematic revenue- 
receiving basis. To be sure, it was commonly said that 
Platt was as bad as Croker, that the "republican ma- 
chine" was a duplicate of Tammany, but it is so easy 
and common to indulge in this sort of thing against 
whoeve/succeeds to political leadership that it is wholly 
unsafe to accept such charges without specific proof. 

Our theory of ethical judgment is to assume a per- 
son innocent until he is proved guilty, not believe him 
guilty until he proves his innocence. We did not have 
the evidence that the republican organization traded 
with Tammany and used other coercing, intimidating 
and corrupting methods in 1 897, but we have that evidence 
now. Within a year we have seen the despotic methods 
by which republican political officeholders use their 

178 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

power of patronage to coerce delegates and suppress the 
rights of citizens and reverse nominations for public 
office for the same low motives and by the same corrupt 
means that Tammany employs. In 1897 we believed 
Mr. Quigg to be a clean-handed, energetic, public-spir- 
ited political leader. We now know him to be a manip- 
ulator and user of the lowest kinds of Tammany methods. 
In 1897 we did not believe the story that the republican 
organization leaders traded with Tammany. We now 
know they did on the personal admission of the men 
who did it. Whether Mr. Platt is personally a party 
to this sort of thing we know not, but we do know 
that he is the supporter and defender of those whom he 
knows have done it. The first-hand evidence of all this 
we now have in our possession. We may have erred in 
trusting the integrity of the republican organization in 
1897, but we know we are warranted in wholly distrust- 
ing it in 1901. Our correspondent may have been more 
alert than we in discovering the true character of the 
leaders of the republican organization in New York 
city. Perhaps he was closer to the inside. We were 
slow to suspect and reluctant to believe that Tammany 
methods prevailed in the republican party, but we now 
know they do and act accordingly. 

How Will Depressions Be Eliminated ? 


Dear Sir: It does not seem to me reasonable to as- 
sume, as you do in many of your editorials, that if prop- 
erly educated the people would submit quietly to indus- 
trial depressions and hard times. Education cannot hold 
out against starvation. I can see no hope of permanent 
industrial peace until the time comes when we can have 
permanent prosperity under stable conditions and set- 
tled policies. R. G. M. 

igoi.] QUESTION BOX 179 

Our correspondent is quite right, but it is exactly in 
this direction that economic and political education 
among the masses would help. Of course, the more intel- 
ligent the people are and the more they know of indus- 
trial causes and effects, the more impatient they will be 
with the recurrence of industrial depressions ; on the 
other hand, the more clearly they will recognize the 
actual causes of depressions and the character of the 
remedies needed. Industrial depressions are the labor- 
ers' calamity. They can be remedied by no specific act 
of the legislature, but will disappear with the increasing 
permanence and stability of industry. This can come 
only through the better organization and more scientific 
application of capital. The era of industrial depressions 
is the era of haphazard conducting of productive indus- 
try, without scientific knowledge of the real market de- 
mands and conditions. The era of industrial perma- 
nence and stability must be the era of large coordinated 
industrial enterprise, enterprise on such a large scale 
that it cannot afford to move by fits and starts, but in 
self-preservation must so adapt itself to the conditions 
as to make continuous use of its capital and tools possi- 
ble. This is what the great corporations are tending 
to accomplish, and an intelligent understanding of their 
own economic interests on the part of the masses would 
lead to endorsement of rather than antagonism to the 
general trend of industrial evolution in this country. 


son. Cloth, 241 pp. Doubleday, Page & Co., New 

This is really a review of the Spencerian philoso- 
phy. The author is not merely an admirer of Spencer 
and his philosophy, but he worships at the Spencerian 
shrine. Of Spencer's works he says (page 233) : 

4 ' There are no gaps to fill in ; the various volumes hang on First 
Principles ' like golden beads upon a golden string. Herbert Spencer 
may rest from his labors with the proud consciousness that with his own 
right hand he has carved his path from obscurity to a philosophic throne. 
He now stands among the sceptred immortals." 

It is true that Mr. Spencer has constructed a syn- 
thetic philosophy which, with the works of Darwin, 
Huxley, Lyell and Tyndall, and a few other great 
writers of the period, has practically changed the point 
of view of human thinking. The astonishment about 
the doctrine of evolution is that it should have become 
so generally accepted when so few have read its litera- 
ture. The influence of the Spencerian school has been 
spread far more by brief popularizations of it than by 
the works of either Spencer or Darwin. 

It is just such books as the one before us that give 
popularity to the principle of evolution. As an evi- 
dence of how completely Spencer impresses himself 
upon his followers, nearly all his pronounced disciples 
carry off his errors with the same devotion and alacrity 
that they do the great truths he has taught. One pecul- 
iarity of Spencer's teaching is his unqualified accept- 
ance of the doctrine of laissez faire. It is no reflection 
to say that in the realm of economics Spencer was not 
a thinker but a borrower. It was one of the fields in 



which he generalized upon other people's investiga- 
tions. He accepted the orthodox English school as 
represented by Adam Smith, Ricardo and Mill. He 
received his economic impressions in the era of the 
free-trade agitation, consequently he was an unqualified 
free trader. He subjected every economic and indus- 
trial policy to the test of its consistency with the free- 
trade theory. If it diverges from that it is heresy. In 
this respect he was very much like Buckle. 

Mr. Macpherson is no exception to this rule. He 
expounds " Spencer and Spencerism" in a most attrac- 
tive and eloquent style. When he comes to the subject 
of the economic evolution of society he bears the in- 
delible imprint of the master's defects. He sees and 
most eloquently describes the relation of economic de- 
velopment to political progress. He sees that material 
prosperity is the source of social and political diversifi- 
cation and advance, yet he utterly fails to recognize 
that equally conspicuous fact in history that whatever 
promotes the diversification of industry contributes to 
the evolution and advance of society, and that it is an 
essential part of the science of statesmanship so to 
direct the political and social forces as to promote this 
development. Affording protection to property through 
the establishment of a police force is a part of such 
policy. Ultra laissez faire would have forbidden this 
and rendered progress even much slower than it has 
been, but Mr. Spencer was so thoroughly opposed to 
government action that he even condemned popular 
free education, and his criticism of anything like trade 
unionism was unbounded. This was the defect in the 
socialistic part of Spencer's doctrine, and Mr. Macpher- 
son has taken it all. He extols free trade and con- 
demns protection as the antithetical forces of good and 
evil in economics (page 140) : 

182 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

" The intelligent adoption of Adam Smith's doctrine as the corner- 
stone of foreign policy is only a matter of time ; and when Free Trade 
is universal, humanity will advance from the stage of nationalism to 
that of internationalism. When that day arrives, wars will cease. 
. . . Under Free Trade the progress of one nation makes for the 
progress of all. Fleets and armies are no longer needed to secure a 
monopoly of trade, to preserve the balance of power, because in obedi- 
ence to an economic law those countries which are industrially equipped 
will share in the trade of other countries, even in the teeth of protective 
tariffs. . . . Free Trade thus appears in its true light as, from the 
economic side, the application of Christian ethics to the international 
sphere. . . . Well might Richard Cobden describe Free Trade as 
the international law of God Almighty." 

How much this sounds like the orations of Villiers, 
Cobden and Bright in the early forties. They pre- 
dicted that the benefits of free trade needed only to be 
seen to be eagerly imitated by all other nations, yet 
more than fifty years have elapsed and no other nation 
has followed England's policy, not one. On the con- 
trary, the nation which has advanced along all the lines 
of national evolution at a rate having no parallel is a 
nation which has persistently adhered to the hated and 
pernicious doctrine of protection. We have deviated 
from it occasionally, only to be repaid by direful indus- 
trial disaster. There was some excuse for Cobden and 
Bright, who wrote and spoke over forty years ago, and 
perhaps some for Spencer, who is not an original in- 
vestigator in this field, but experience should count for 
something with the followers and expounders of so 
profound a doctrine as the synthetic philosophy. It is 
the more surprising that the disciples of Spencer, like 
Mr. Macpherson, should so tenaciously adhere to the 
free-trade dogma, since protection is in no way incon- 
sistent with the principle of evolution. On the con- 
trary, it is but the substitution of intelligent, scientific 
selection for blind natural selection. It is the substi- 
tution of science for cosmic force and of statesmanship 
for ignorant blundering empiricism. 

i90i.] BOOK REVIEWS 183 

Protection, in the sense of giving societary encour- 
agement to industrial development, is as consistent 
with and as much a logical part of evolution as is the 
development of insurance, the application of steam and 
electricity to production, or the guarding of the freedom 
and property of citizens. Scientific protection is but 
intelligently applying the great principle of evolution 
to new phenomena as they arise. Instead of the world 
becoming converted to the free-trade doctrine, even 
England is beginning to waver. Her responsible 
ministers are boldly discussing in the house of com- 
mons a protective confederacy by which England and 
her colonies shall have free trade between themselves 
and protection against the rest of the world. 

It is true Herbert Spencer stands for the great 
universal philosophy which inductively interprets uni- 
versal progress, but the application of his great prin- 
ciple to the specific spheres of phenomena are subject 
to the actual experience in each case ; to do which is 
the duty of his modern disciples. To adhere to the 
doctrine of laissez faire as Mr. Spencer did in un- 
qualified form, when the best thought in economic 
science has abandoned it in obedience to the scientific 
induction of half a century's experience, is to get into a 
rut and fail to learn the lessons of contemporaneous 
induction and verification, which is in effect to be un- 

ECONOMIC CRISES. By Edward D. Jones, Ph. D. 
Cloth, 223 pp., $1.25. The Macmillan Company, New 

This is an excellent discussion of economic crises 
or industrial depressions. The subject is handled with 
care, painstaking precision and in a true economic 
spirit. It is altogether more analytic than synthetic. 

184 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

It is a careful analysis of the economic causes and con- 
ditions which effect industrial disturbances. The 
treatment is comprehensive yet close ; it shows wide 
reading on the subject. The author calls to his aid a 
liberal collection of writers of standing in all great 
commercial countries. He indulges in some very 
wholesome criticisms on the doctrine of parsimony, 
saying (page 77) : 

' ' When parsimony is rare it is highly paid in the 
return given to capital ; when it becomes common its 
rewards are reduced. The methods by which the in- 
dividual advances his fortunes above those around him, 
must not be confused with the methods by which 
the economic life of society is properly regulated. 
Maxims of private wealth-getting cannot be transformed 
directly into principles of political economy. If capital 
is accumulated more rapidly than the field for its use is 
developed, the talents of the organizer are those de- 
manded and a high remuneration will be given for or- 
ganizing ability rather than for saving. The liberal 
salaries now paid to men of superior organizing power, 
in contrast with the low rates of interest prevailing 
upon the markets of the world, show the present rela- 
tion between the supply and demand for these qualities 
so necessary to social progress. 

Capital, however, can be used to assist in the solu- 
tion of its own problem. Wealth may be used in the 
encouragement of science and invention and in opening 
those lines of possible economic activity which are not 
generally appreciated. It may be used to promote the 
study of new markets, to disseminate information as to 
market conditions, and to perfect all those means of in- 
dustrial control which would further a systematic dis- 
tribution of capital over the realm of industrial enter- 
prise. But the most abundant return, measured in 
terms of public welfare, will probably result from the 

igoi.] BOOK REVIEWS 18* 

application of capital to the development of the higher 
and more social economic needs of man." 

This is eminently sound reasoning and is charac- 
teristic of the author's treatment of the subject through- 
out. He recognizes, as few writers do, that while the 
equilibrium between production and consumption is the 
great fact in industrial stability the social forces which 
most need stimulating are on the side of consumption, 
and, moreover, that the aggregate consumption of so- 
ciety is governed altogether more by the social life and 
standard of living of the laboring class than by all other 
classes put together. For example (page 85): 

"The assertion, which is made on good authority, 
is therefore significant, that eighty per cent, of the 
machine-made goods of the world are consumed by the 
laboring class. The cutting off of the laborer's share 
in distribution manifestly in an equal degree diminishes 
his power to consume or to take the products of indus- 
try off the hands of the producer." 

Professor Jones has here made an important con- 
tribution to the discussion of one of the most important 
phases of modern economic stability, to accomplish 
which is the next great step in industrial progress. 

Adams. Cloth, 222 pp., $1.25. The Macmillan Co., 
New York. 1900. 

Our swift triumph over decrepit Spain, with the 
consequent expansion of our authority in the Philip- 
pines, is having its effect upon the public imagination. 
As was to be expected, distance is lending enchantment 
to the view and the tendency to let the imagination run 
wild and deal out immeasurable prophecy, reeling off 
the colossal things done and to be done by the United 
States, with the assurance that we are to work the 

186 G UN TON'S MA GAZINE [February, 

miracles of the immediate future, is being indulged, in 
dimensions which make one fairly dizzy. 

A most fascinating contribution to this tendency of 
colossal generalization and cyclonic world absorption 
has been made in this little book, "America's Eco- 
nomic Supremacy." It is written in the same key as 
Mr. Adams' "Law of Civilization and Decay." His 
style is exceptionally lucid and shows the masterhand 
in historical generalization. It tends to carry the 
reader along breathlessly, with the assurance of reach- 
ing the goal inevitably marked by evolution. 

The author handles centuries and races as if they 
were but months and families ; he sees the course of 
civilization turned by a single event. He sees the cen- 
ter of economic supremacy transferred from the Thames 
to the Hudson by the fall of two shillings a hundred 
weight in the price of sugar in London. Close and 
colossal organization is coming, which is to equip us 
for a great world work. It might "be effected by the 
growth and amalgamation of great trusts until they 
absorbed the government, or it might be brought about 
by the central corporation, called the government, ab- 
sorbing the trusts." In either event the author thinks 
the result will be approximately the same. The eastern 
and western continents will be competing for the most 
perfect system of state socialism. 

Mr. Adams is a kind of fairyland philosopher. He 
touches facts so lightly and quickly and masses them so 
sweepingly as to make the stolid plodding world seem 
in a cyclonic whirl. His style is enchanting and elo- 
quent, his reasoning plausible, and his conclusions in- 
terestingly prophetic, but his structure is so loose and 
airy that it will only hold good with the aid of a most 
fertile imagination. He neither furnishes enough of 
cohesive facts or inductive reasoning to warrant the ac- 
ceptance of any specific conclusion he points to. He 

i 9 oi.J BOOK REVIEWS 187 

is an excellent specimen of imaginative writers, who 
command the ages to obey their theories. In his 
" Law of Civilization and Decay " he saw all the world 
moving towards destruction, unless the money power 
were dethroned and the free coinage of silver estab- 
lished. In the present work he sees, with similar 
clearness, England decaying and the United States de- 
stined to take its place. While the book is highly in- 
teresting reading and contains a touch-and-go reference 
to many important economic facts, its chief influ- 
ence, so far as it exerts any, is likely to be as a contri- 
bution to a false, inflated sentiment regarding the 
" world destiny " of the United States, to the injury of 
the internal development and safeguarding of pros- 
perity and welfare at home. 

Freeman Otis Willey. National Economic League, New 
York. Cloth, 125 pp. 

The National Economic League is devoted to the 
circulation of literature for the purpose of correcting 
the prevalent idea that the rich are growing richer by 
making the poor poorer. No better work can be done 
in this country to-day than the circulation of sound 
literature on this subject, but the object cannot be 
accomplished by sending out mere special pleading for 
capital. Although erroneous doctrines are prevalent 
among wage-earners, it must not be imagined that 
workingmen are dunces. In order to be of real service 
in promoting intelligent opinion on modern economic 
problems, it is no less important that the laborer's 
interest and point of view be correctly presented than 
that the interests of capital should be defended and its 
utility explained. 

The lack of this balance and fairness of presenta- 
tion is the chief defect of Mr. Willey's little book. For 

188 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February, 

example, in order to show that the laborers get a very 
large proportion of the product, Mr. Willey argues, 
with a liberal use of census figures (pp. 73-78), that if 
an eight-hour day were adopted it would cause a loss 
to capital of $10, 125,000,000 a year. He arrives at this 
by taking the aggregate production and reducing it by 
one-fifth. This method of reasoning on national pro- 
duction is as false as is any method used by free-silver- 
ites or socialists. It assumes that with a reduction of 
the hours of labor everything else would remain the 
same, hence the lessened production would be propor- 
tionate to the reduction in the working hours, which is 
contrary to all experience. Mr. Willey ought to know, 
and if he does not intelligent workingmen do, that 
nothing of this kind has ever occurred. During the 
nineteenth century, and especially the last three-quar- 
ters of it, every civilized country has had more or less 
experience in reducing the hours of labor ; in England 
the reduction has been nearly 40 per cent, and in this 
country from 20 to 30 per cent., and nowhere has the 
result predicted by Mr. Willey taken place. Instead of 
either the aggregate output or the output per laborer 
being reduced proportionately with the reduction of 
hours, the reverse has everywhere occurred. Evidence 
of this is as abundant and obvious as that railroads 
have supplanted stage coaches. 

The historic fact everywhere obvious is that com- 
mensurately with the shortening of the working day 
has come enlarged production, increased aggregate 
profits, and concurrent increase of wages. The work- 
ingmen know this : they know that the capitalists have 
not grown poorer nor their own wages smaller with the 
reduction of the hours of labor, and any literature 
which teaches that disaster would follow a shorter 
working day will receive little appreciation from intel- 
ligent laborers. No better work can be done to-day 

1901.] BOOK REVIEWS 189 

than furnishing sound economic literature correcting 
the false sentiment against capital, but literature can 
not accomplish much in this direction which does not 
discuss intelligently, with equal comprehension and 
fairness, the laborer's side of the social problem. 


The Attache" at Pekin. By A. B. Freeman- Witford, 
author of "Tales of Old Japan," "The Bamboo 
Garden," etc. Crown 8vo, cloth extra, gilt top, 386 
pp., $2. The Macmillan Company, New York. A 
collection of letters written while Mr. Mitford was 
attached to the British legation at Peking. 

Memories of the Tennysons. By the Rev. H. D. 
Rawnsley, honorary canon of Carlisle, author of ' ' Life 
and Nature at the English Lakes." Cloth, gilt tops, 
i2mo, 252 pp., $2.25. With portraits and other illus- 
trations. The Macmillan Company, New York. 

History of the Prudential Insurance Company of 
America (Industrial Insurance). 1875-1900. By Fred- 
erick L. Hoffman, F.S.S., statistician of the Prudential 
Insurance Company of America. Cloth, 338 pp. 
Prudential Press. 

A Geography of the British Isles. By Lionel W. 
Lyde, M.A., F.R.S.G.S. Cloth, i2mo, 128 pp., 60 
cents, net. The Macmillan Company, New York. 

The Future of the American Negro. By Booker T. 
Washington. Cloth, i2mo, gilt top, 254 pp., $1.50. 
Small, Maynard and Company, Boston, Mass, 

The Postal Deficit. An Examination of Some of the 
Legislative and Administrative Aspects of a Great State 
Industry. By H. T. Newcomb, author of "Railway 
Economics." Cloth, i58pp.,$i. Ballantyne and Son, 
Washington, D. C. 


Tuskegee, Its Story and Its Work. By Max Bennett 
Thrasher. With an introduction by Booker T. Wash- 
ington. Cloth, 1 2 mo, decorative, 248 pp., $i. Small, 
Maynard and Company, Boston, Mass. Containing 50 

Spanish Highways and Byways. By Katharine Lee 
Bates, professor of English literature, Wellesley Col- 
lege. Crown, 8vo, $2.25. The Macmillan Company, 
New York. 

Political Theories of the Middle Age. By Dr. Otto 
Gierke, professor of law in the University of Berlin. 
Translated, with an introduction, by Frederic William 
Maitland, LL.D., D.C.L., Downing professor of the 
laws of England in the University of Cambridge. 
Cloth, 8vo, 197 pp., $2.50 net. The Macmillan Com- 
pany, New York. 

Whos Who, 1901. An Annual Biographical Dic- 
tionary. Cloth, i2mo, 1234 pp., $1.75. Fifty-third 
year of issue. The Macmillan Company, New York. 

The Men Who Made the Nation. An Outline of 
United States History from 1760 to 1865. By Edwin 
Erie Sparks, Ph.D. Crown, 8vo, cloth extra, gilt top, 
415 pp., $2. The Macmillan Company, New York. 
Illustrated with many reproductions of contemporary 
prints, sketches, facsimiles, etc. 

The Letters of Thomas Gray. Including the Corre- 
spondence of Gray and Mason. Edited by Duncan C. 
Tovey, editor of " Gray and His Friends," etc. Cloth, 
I2mo, 393 pp., $i, net. The Macmillan Company, 
New York. 

Educational Aims and Methods. By Sir Joshua P. 
Fitch, late chief inspector of training colleges in Eng- 
land, author of "Lectures on Teaching," etc. Cloth, 
$1.25. The Macmillan Company, New York. 


' ' I must, however, express the hope that the em- 
ployers of the country will take into more serious con- 
sideration the employees, who at the recent election 
voted to give prosperity to all, in the face of the stren- 
uous effort of the opposition, who would have had them 
believe that the prosperity of the employer meant the 
coercion of the employee, and that the only recourse of 
the latter was to destroy the former. The workingmen 
of our country have again resented the talk of dema- 
gogues about coercion, and have voted for a continuance 
of an administration that has given employers great 
prosperity, in which they themselves have participated. 
They have voted for the flag wherever it floats, and I 
hope and believe that they will have their full share of 
the benefits." HON. PERRY S. HEATH, in " Lessons of 
the Campaign," The Forum (December). 

1 * One who has retired from the service, but not 
from the love of his country, must be pardoned if he 
finds himself unable to rejoice in the acquisition of 
lands and forests and mines and commerce at the cost 
of the abandonment of the old American idea that a 
government of absolute powers is an intolerable thing, 
and, under the constitution of the United States, an im- 
possible thing. The view of the constitution I have 
suggested will not limit the power of territorial expan- 
sion ; but it will lead us to limit the use of that power 
to regions that may safely become a part of the United 
States, and to peoples whose American citizenship may 
be allowed. It has been said that the flash of Dewey's 
guns in Manila Bay revealed to the American people a 
new mission. I like rather to think of them as re veal - 



ing the same old mission that we read in the flash of 
Washington's guns at Yorktown. God forbid that the 
day should ever come when, in the American mind, the 
thought of man as a ' consumer ' shall submerge the old 
American thought of man as a creature of God, endowed 
with 'unalienable rights.'" BENJAMIN HARRISON, in 
" Status of Annexed Territory and its Inhabitants," 
The North American Review (January). 

' ' Sometimes historians tell us that it was only 
Dutchmen and not Englishmen who bought the red 
men's land instead of stealing it. Such statements 
have been made in New York, but if we pass on to 
Philadelphia we hear that it was only Quakers who 
were thus scrupulous, and when we arrive in Baltimore 
we learn that it was only Roman Catholics. In point 
of fact, it was the invariable custom of European set- 
tlers on this Atlantic coast to purchase the lands on 
which they settled, and the transaction was usually re- 
corded in a deed to which the Sagamores affixed their 
marks. Nor was the affair really such a mockery as it 
may at first thought seem to us. The red man got 
what he sorely coveted, steel hatchets and grindstones, 
glass beads and rum, perhaps muskets and ammuni- 
tion, while he was apt to reserve sundry rights of 
catching game and fish. A struggle was inevitable 
when the white man's agriculture encroached upon and 
exhausted the Indian's hunting ground; but other cir- 
cumstances usually brought it on long before that point 
was reached. The age of iron superseded the stone 
age in America by the same law of progress that from 
time immemorial has been bearing humanity onward 
from brutal savagery to higher and more perfect life 
In the course of it our forefathers certainly ousted and 
dispossessed the red men, but they did not do it in a 
spirit of robbery." JOHN FISKE, in "The Story of a 
New England Town," The Atlantic Monthly ( Dec.). 

Principal of Tuskegee * Institute 

See page acxj 



Although England's new king was for- 
EdwarcTviI. mally proclaimed and took the constitu- 
tional oath on January 24th, the imme- 
diate interest of Christendom remained with the dead 
queen until well after the last and wonderfully im- 
pressive ceremonials of February 2nd, when the funeral 
cortege passed through London on its way to Albert 
Chapel. Now that Victoria has passed into history, 
however, King Edward becomes an object of interest 
altogether greater than usually attaches to the person 
of a new monarch. This is partly due to the extraor- 
dinary length of Victoria's reign, making the very idea 
of a new English sovereign a novelty not easily reduced 
to the commonplace ; but in a larger sense the accession 
of Edward attracts the attention of the world because 
of the possible effect it may have upon English and, 
therefore, upon world policies. 

Thus far, with the possible exception of the gaudy 
show of February i5th when the king and queen rode 
to the houses of parliament in the gilded chariot of 
George III., the new king's public appearances have 
created only a favorable impression. Coming to the 
throne in his sixtieth year, he will at least be free from 
hot-headed indiscretions of the sort that marred the 
opening years of his nephew William's reign, in Ger- 
many ; but whether Edward will prove a man of large 



enough calibre for the headship of the greatest empire 
on the earth can be settled only by experience. There is 
little in the world's knowledge of him thus far to sug- 
gest anything more than a correct-mannered, tactful, 
pleasure-loving English gentleman, and it may be that, 
in a country where the real governing power has passed 
so completely out of the monarch's hands into those of 
the ministers and parliament, this type of " ruler" is 
quite as useful and much less bothersome than a strong- 
minded individual set upon policies of his own. The 
principal function of an English sovereign to-day is to 
typify or impersonate the idea of authority but not 
become too familiar with the thing itself. 

The king's speech in opening parliament might as 
well have come from the late queen herself, so far as 
any hint of change of policy is concerned, either with 
reference to domestic or foreign affairs. The only 
significant incident that has occurred thus far, indica- 
ting a possible modification of British policy, was the 
peculiar wording of the proclamation of Edward's 
accession with reference to the Transvaal. A special 
phrase " Supreme Lord Of and Over the Transvaal " 
was adopted, whether by the suggestion of the king or 
not does not appear, but the effect of it is distinctly to 
recognize a different sort of sovereignty over the new 
South African colonies than England claims over all 
her other possessions. There is in this the suggestion 
at least of a conciliatory policy in store for the Boers 
when the Transvaal's institutions are permanently 
brought under British civil administration. 

There is no evidence, however, that the 

Boers are an ? better Phased at the pros- 
pect of British sovereignty, under what- 
ever name or form, than they ever were. Lord Kitch- 
ener's task, if not the most serious, is at any rate the 

1 9 oi.] RE VIE W OF THE MONTH 195 

most exasperating and tedious phase of the South 
African war. It is true, a peace committee of native 
Boers was formed in Pretoria about the middle of De- 
cember, and these men have been trying to persuade 
their countrymen to give up the hopeless struggle 
without further bloodshed ; but the very efforts of this 
committee have served to bring out on the other side 
fresh evidence of the intense bitterness of the Boers 
still in the field. Three peace messengers sent by the 
committee to General De Wet's camp about the middle 
of January were seized, brutally flogged and then 
shot, an act of barbarity which destroys whatever 
claim De Wet may have had to the admiration of the 
world for his prolonged resistance against overwhelm- 
ing odds. 

Early in January the war took on once more a 
really serious aspect, by reason of the formidable inva- 
sion of Cape Colony by the Boer forces and the immi- 
nent probability of a rising of Boer sympathizers. To 
prevent this, martial law was proclaimed throughout 
the larger part of the colony, and the efforts of Piet De 
Wet, a member of the Pretoria peace committee and 
brother of General De Wet, counted heavily against 
any serious outbreak of the Cape Dutch. General Botha 
is still active in the Transvaal, but the real heart of the 
struggle is along the border-line between Cape Colony 
and the old Orange Free State, where Kitchener has 
taken personal charge of the campaign to capture De 
Wet. Experience has proved that it is practically 
impossible to trap the wily Boer by infantry move- 
ments ; the British war department, therefore, is send- 
ing Kitchener 30,000 additional mounted troops, which 
presumably will be applied directly to this final task. 
The remaining phases of the struggle have no interest 
to the world so far as the future of South Africa is con- 
cerned, for that is practically settled already. It is now 


simply a duel between two military geniuses, with the 
end not far away. 

Early in February the Chinese peace 

More Trouble . . -V- - . J 

in China commissioners and the foreign ministers 

in Peking began holding regular meet- 
ings to arrange for carrying out the terms of the peace 
agreement. As might have been expected, trouble 
arose over the very first important item, punishment 
of the ringleaders in the anti- foreign outrages last sum- 
mer. The powers demanded the execution of twelve 
persons, including Prince Tuan, father of the heir 
apparent to the Chinese throne. It appears that two of 
the twelve are already dead, but with reference to the 
others China returned a compromise proposition by 
which only one of the offenders, Yu Lu, the former 
viceroy of Pe-Chi-Li province, would have been exe- 
cuted outright. Another, Prince Chuang, commander- 
in-chief of the Boxers, was to be compelled to commit 
suicide ; Prince Tuan and Duke Lan exiled to Chinese 
Turkestan ; Ying Nien, the accomplice of Chuang, 
ordered executed but his sentence commuted to life 
imprisonment ; and three others merely degraded. This 
proposition substituted Yu Lu, whose execution had 
not been demanded, for General Tung Fu Siang, com- 
mander-in-chief of the army, for whose life the Chinese 
commissioners made a special plea on account of prob- 
able uprisings in certain provinces if the general were 
sacrificed. The plea for Prince Tuan was put on the 
ground that the government could not execute a prince 
of the blood royal and continue to maintain proper 
respect for its authority. 

The effect of this reply was to incite a military 
movement on the part of Germany, which, for a time, 
promised the most serious complications. Count von 
Waldersee announced a plan of campaign of far-reach- 


ing proportions, including a general invasion of Chi- 
nese provinces to the west of Peking by the whole of 
the allied force under his command. All the powers 
were apparently ready to join in this movement except 
Russia and the United States, and it is hardly sup- 
posable that Russia's refusal was due to any special 
consideration for China or excessive love of peace. 
General Chaffee, however, promptly declined to join 
the expedition, and Minister Conger was instructed 
from Washington to inform the other ministers that 
our government was opposed to any further hostile 
movements at this time. It now appears that in all 
probability the German proposition was never meant 
seriously ; in fact, the German foreign office is under- 
stood to have informed our ambassador, Mr. White, 
that ' ' the expeditions were designed chiefly to con- 
vince the Chinese government that the powers would 
not be trifled with.'' The latest report is that this 
threat has had the desired effect and that China will 
grant the demands of the powers in full without further 

Whether this should prove true or not, 
Protc [ it is quite clear that our government is 

right in refusing to join in any whole- 
sale campaign of devastation in the interior of China. 
The fact is, evidence is accumulating of the discredi- 
table performances of the foreign troops to such an 
extent that the moral strength of Christendom's case 
against China is already seriously damaged. Many of 
the stories of pillage, outrage and murder of defence- 
less men and women are doubtless exaggerated, but if 
only a part of what is reported is true it is enough to 
make Christendom ashamed of the later stages of its 
descent upon China. At any rate, the situation is no 
longer such that the powers have any moral justifica- 


tion for arbitrarily refusing to consider the traditions, 
limitations and embarrassments of the Chinese in the 
matter of fulfilling the penalties demanded. 

The great object now to be gained is peaceful set- 
tlement, on a basis that will maintain the integrity of 
the empire and establish good feeling and friendly re- 
lations between the Chinese people and the outside 
world. This is incomparably more important than any 
minor issue of execution versus banishment or life im- 
prisonment for three or four fanatical princes and 
generals. The terms that have been imposed upon 
China are anything but lenient and the powers can well 
afford to waive an occasional point for the sake of fu- 
ture amity, without any danger of inflicting too mild a 
"vengeance." The hands of Christendom are not 
clean enough to enable it gracefully to assume the role 
of faultless Justice dealing with a guilty culprit, all 
the right on one side, all the wrong on the other. 
China must indeed pay the penalty of last year's out- 
rages, but if the empire's independence is to be main- 
tained its government must have at least the privilege 
of submitting proposals in its own behalf without 
having summary threats of annihilation thrown into 
the negotiations at every step. Such a course, offensive 
in itself, is the most shortsighted and impolitic. It is 
certain so to intensify Chinese bitterness against 
Christendom as to destroy trade opportunities and de- 
lay any real regeneration of the empire for many 
decades, however successful the allies may be in 
forcing the "open door" and exacting industrial 
privileges. It is one thing to drive the Chinese horse 
to the stream of Christendom's trade but quite another 
thing to make the animal drink. 


President McKinley on January 25th sent 
"Pacification "in to ^ Q senate a special message transmit- 

the Philippines J - . - 

ting a report from Secretary Root which 
included the full report of the Taft commission. In 
this message the president strongly urged ' ' legislation 
under which the government of the islands may have 
authority to assist in their peaceful industrial develop- 
ment in the directions indicated by the secretary of 
war," which is understood to have been an appeal for 
the passage of the Spooner amendment to the army 
appropriation bill. This amendment provides that, 
until otherwise arranged by congress, "all military and 
civil powers necessary to govern the Philippine islands " 
shall be ' ' vested in such person and persons and shall 
be exercised in such manner as the president of the 
United States shall direct." If this amendment passes 
it is practically certain that Judge Taft, chairman of the 
Philippine commission, will be made governor of the 
islands, with very large powers. 

Probably it is wiser to centralize authority in the 
Philippines in the way this amendment proposes, so 
long as our present policy is maintained, but continued 
experience does nothing to confirm the wisdom of the 
policy itself. Deportation of Filipino leaders, banish- 
ment of refractory newspaper editors, and increased 
severity of military measures do not seem to " pacify " 
the natives. In fact, it is probable that even the sur- 
renders of groups of insurgents recently reported in 
different quarters are little more than ruses designed to 
throw our forces off guard. An illustration of the 
thoroughly untrustworthy nature of Filipino submission 
and " cooperation " with the American administration 
is offered in a private letter from a United States gov- 
ernment official in the Philippines to the editor of the 
New York Evening Post, published in that journal on 
January i6th. Said this correspondent : 


' ' The American authorities set up a local munici- 
pal government; presidente, clerk, etc., are elected, 
and everything seems to be working smoothly. A little 
later it is discovered that the presidente and clerk also 
represent the insurgent government, and that where 
they collect 100 pesos tax for the Americanos, they 
collect 400 pesos tax for the cause of the ' Filipino 
nation.' " 

The same official, earlier in the letter, observed : 

" It is openly and repeatedly asserted by army offi- 
cers in Manila to-day that the American army is on the 
defensive in this archipelago, and that it has been on 
the defensive for more than six months. It was on the 
defensive when Gen. Otis went home to tell the people 
of the United States that ' the Philippine situation was 
well in hand/ Perhaps the official code of ethics for- 
bade his successor's discrediting that statement, at least 
until after the election ; but the time is at hand when 
something radical will have to be done. 

1 ' They report that the garrisons in two-thirds of 
the territory visited are in a state of actual siege, and 
that they dare not go more than a few hundred yards 
outside their posts for fear of capture or of encounter- 
ing an overwhelming force of insurgents ; that all of 
the garrisons are too small for the territory watched 
over, and that not a day passes that several American 
soldiers are not picked off by the watchful and treach- 
erous natives. 

' ' The country is pacified and ' the situation is well 
in hand,' but there are towns within a few miles of 
Manila where the authorities will not permit an Amer- 
ican to go for fear that he will be massacred. American 
soldiers daily fall prey to the bold treachery of the 
Malay, but these have ' needlessly exposed themselves.' ' 

As to the feeling of the Filipinos towards American 
authority, the Post's correspondent said : 


' ' Official reports to the contrary, officers and men 
who know the situation and the natives are all agreed 
that the Filipino hates us as he never hated the Span- 
iard ; that every Filipino is an insurrecto ; and that the 
present guerilla warfare will continue for years unless 
some strong policy be inaugurated." 

This is quite in line with General MacArthur's 
statement in a letter to Secretary Root, which the latter 
sent to the senate on February 4th. " Expectations 
based on result of election," said the general, "have 
not been realized. Progress of pacification apparent to 
me but still very slow. Condition very inflexible and 
likely to become chronic." 

The Independence * n our ^ ast i ssue we expressed the belief 
Proposal that the American people are becoming 

in Congress more and more tired of the entire Phil- 

ippine complication, and eager for a safe and honorable 
termination. A sidelight of confirmation was thrown 
on this opinion by an incident in the house of repre- 
sentatives February gih. Mr. Brown of Ohio, a repub- 
lican in regular party standing, made a stirring speech 
in favor of Philippine independence. His appeal was 
so eminently practical and logical that a large number 
of his party associates gave vent to their feelings in 
hearty applause during the address and congratulations 
at its close. This is only a straw, but we should not 
be surprised to see other evidences develop that the 
congressional support of the administration's Philip- 
pine policy has become largely perfunctory. At any 
rate, it would seem to be dangerous to let anybody 
boldly express the rational and truly American doctrine 
on this matter under circumstances which permit any 
response of real feeling from the party ranks. Here is 
the resolution Mr. Brown advocated : 

"It is the purpose of the United States in retain- 


ing possession of the Philippine Islands to aid their in- 
habitants when they submit to the authority of the 
United States in establishing a capable and stable free 
government, and when this purpose shall be fully ac- 
complished the United States, under such reservations 
and conditions as may be wise and just, will relinquish 
authority in those islands." 

In support of this he said in part : 

' ' Congress has never yet announced to the Fili- 
pinos what the national purpose is with respect to them. 
If this body will tell them now tell them explicitly 
and solemnly that it is the fixed determination of this 
nation to establish its authority in their country, and 
that when this end shall be reached they shall have a 
chance to become in due time free citizens of a free 
government if congress will say this to them, and say 
it now, we may confidently expect that their rude 
weapons of warfare will fall from their hands and that 
they will sue for peace peace which they will know 
means more for them than anything ever held out to 
them or to their fathers in any generation. 

"This declaration would now be opportune. It 
would be at this time a wise act, which the government 
is strong enough to perform without having its motives 
questioned by friend or foe. Even the most deluded 
Filipino could not misunderstand it. It would go to 
him, as he would know, and as all the world would 
know, in the day of our triumph and his defeat. This 
declaration by congress now would go to the Filipinos 
as a great nation's amnesty to them." 

It may be that Representative Brown was over- 
sanguine as to the immediate effect of such a proclama- 
tion. The Filipinos have acquired a deep-seated dis- 
trust, based on 400 years' experience, of promises or 
pledges made by an alien authority, and the added ex- 
perience of the last two years has transferred to us the 


animosity so long cherished towards Spain. This, how- 
ever, only emphasizes our duty in the case. It is en- 
tirely reasonable to anticipate that at least the leaders 
of the insurrection could be convinced of the genuineness 
of such a declaration. That it would materially im- 
prove the situation cannot be doubted, besides giving a 
moral strength to our presence in the islands that we 
have not been able to command in any really high and 
disinterested sense thus far, either at home or abroad. 
It would pave the way towards settlement of the Phil- 
ippine problem along the lines followed in Cuba, and 
even if the task were longer and harder the results 
would be incomparably better than anything whatever 
to be gained from our present unnatural policy of sub- 
jugation by extermination. This would be true whether 
we reckoned the advantage of the rational and humane 
policy in lives and money saved, or in the certain 
raising of our moral standing throughout the world, or 
in the preserving of our democratic principle of gov- 
ernment from the insidious undermining effects of a 
" colonial " policy. 

Although not yet fully adopted and pro- 
claimed, the principal details of the 
proposed constitution of Cuba are prac- 
tically completed. The full text of the constitution as 
submitted to the convention in Havana late in January 
has been published. Like the constitutions of all our 
neighboring South American republics, it shows at 
almost every point the powerful influence of our own 
national constitution. In all three departments of the 
government, legislative, executive and judicial, the pro- 
posed Cuban system will be patterned very closely after 
the United States model. The Cuban congress will 
include a senate and house of representatives, the 
former to consist of six senators from each of the 


six "departments" of the republic, the term to be six 
years, and one-third of the senate to be elected every 
two years. The house of representatives, will have one 
member for every 25,000 inhabitants, the term being 
four years, and one-half the house to be elected every 
two years. The president's term will be four years, 
and he is prohibited from receiving more than two 
elections. Each of the six departments in the island 
will have a local assembly and governor of its own, 
with powers and duties corresponding in general to 
those exercised by the various states in this country. 
Each governor, however, will be responsible to the 
national senate for any infraction of the constitution. 

Fundamental guarantees of personal rights form 
the largest single section of the constitution. They 
include most of those great vital safeguards won by the 
English-speaking people through many centuries of 
painful struggle, such as these : 

' ' No law can have a retroactive effect, except in 
penal matters, when the new law is favorable to the 

"No person shall be arrested, except by virtue of 
a warrant from a competent judge ; the writ directing 
the issuance of the warrant of arrest shall be ratified or 
amended after the accused shall have been given a 
hearing, within seventy-two hours following his im- 

' ' No person shall be tried or sentenced, except by 
a competent judge or tribunal, in consequence of laws 
existing prior to the commission of the crime, and in 
the manner that the latter prescribe. 

* ' The expression of thought shall be free, be it 
either by word of mouth, by writing, by means of the 
public press or by any other method whatsoever, with- 
out being subject to any prior censorship, and under 
the responsibility determined or specified by the laws. 


' ' No person shall be molested by reason of his 
religious opinion, nor for engaging in his special 
method of worship. The church and state shall be 

' ' The inhabitants of the republic shall have the 
right to meet and combine peacefully without arms for 
all licit purposes. 

' ' The penalty of confiscation of properties shall 
not be inflicted, and no person shall be deprived of his 
property except by the competent authority for the jus- 
tified reason of public benefit and after being paid the 
proper indemnity therefor. Should this latter require- 
ment not have been complied with, the judges shall 
give due protection, and, should the case so demand, 
they will restore possession of the property to the 
person who may have been deprived thereof. 

" No person shall be obliged to pay any tax or con- 
tribution of any kind whatsoever, the collection of 
which has not previously been legally decided upon." 

A great deal of wrangling is going on 
as to whether or not the United States 
congress should undertake to revise or 
in any way pass upon the Cuban constitution. There 
is nothing in the Cuban constitution, as it now stands, 
defining any special or unusual relation between the 
new republic and the United States government. For 
that matter, we do not expect or care to exercise any 
protectorate over Cuba, and there is no apparent reason 
why our relations with the island, with the possible 
exception of one or two very general provisions, should 
not be left to be arranged between the two govern- 
ments when Cuba's constitution goes into full opera- 
tion. There is little practical value in the suggestion 
that we should reserve the right to control Cuba's for- 
eign relations. The Monroe doctrine covers that point 


just as it does with all the other American republics, 
and we have never found it necessary to assume re- 
sponsibility for the conduct of either the foreign or 
internal affairs of any of them. 

The only reason why it might be important to 
have a special understanding with Cuba is that we 
made our withdrawal from the island conditional upon 
the establishment there of a sound and stable govern- 
ment. As Senator Platt of Connecticut, chairman of 
the committee on relations with Cuba, suggested in the 
senate on January 3ist, congress might declare upon 
what terms our military occupation would cease, and 
couple with this such suggestions as we might regard 
necessary to the establishment of a stable government. 
The Cuban convention would then have the opportunity 
to embody these suggestions in the constitution or 
otherwise provide for their fulfilment, without formally 
submitting the document to the United States congress 
for approval. The point is technical rather than es- 
sential. The only real reason for preferring a method 
which implies the minimum authority over Cuban af- 
fairs is the practical certainty that every opposite step 
will be promptly taken advantage of by those who are 
already urging annexation of the island to the United 
States. The attitude of the administration in the 
Philippines does not afford any satisfactory assurance 
that if only the road could be made easy enough Cuba 
itself would not be gathered into our "colonial" sys- 
tem. Every point of procedure which emphasizes our 
pledge not to do this is important just now, and may 
profoundly affect the political future of the island. 

The outcome of the recent struggle 

Congressional . ^ - 

Reapportionment ln congress over the matter of re- 
apportionment of representatives on 
the basis of the new census shows the difficulty of 

i 9 oi.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 207 

living up to the national constitution when a problem 
of inferior races is thrown into the situation. The 
literal fact is that democracy cannot be made to work 
for two distinct orders of civilization within the same 
group, constitution or no constitution. It would 
seem as if the repeated demonstrations of this with 
reference to our colored population in the South would 
afford some warning of the wholesale nullification of 
constitutional mandates that will be forced upon us in 
our dealing with the even more degraded populations 
of Porto Rico, Hawaii and the Philippines, as soon as 
we attempt to confer anything like equality of political 
rights upon them. 

The new apportionment increases the total mem- 
bership of the house from 357 to 386, which gives one 
representative to every 194,000 inhabitants (approxi- 
mately), instead of one to every 174,000 as at present. 
Under this arrangement, Illinois, New York and Texas 
each gain three members ; Minnesota, New Jersey and 
Pennsylvania two each ; Arkansas, California, Colorado, 
Connecticut, Florida, Louisiana, Massachusetts, Missis- 
sippi, Missouri, North Carolina, North Dakota, Wash- 
ington, West Virginia and Wisconsin, one each. No 
state loses a representative. 

The very suggestion of reducing the representa- 
tion of certain southern states because of their dis- 
franchisement of negro voters raised a storm in con- 
gress, and the exigencies of practical politics prevailed 
against the plain mandate of the constitution. The 
1 4th amendment provides in definite terms that, when- 
ever the right to vote of any legally-qualified citizens is 
denied them by any state, the representation in con- 
gress of that state shall be proportionately reduced. 
At present four states have, by a one-sided educational 
test, denied this right to the negro ; in consequence of 
which, as Representative Olmsted showed in his reso- 


lution introduced on January 3rd, the vote cast at con- 
gressional elections declined between 1890 and 1898, in 
Mississippi from 62,652 to 27,045 ; in South Carolina 
from 73,522 to 28,831, and in Louisiana from 74,542 to 
33,161. In several other states, as is well known, the 
negro is practically disfranchised by force or intimida- 
tion. The disenfranchisement act in North Carolina is 
too recent to show results in tables of comparison, but 
the obligation to reduce the representation of that 
state is exactly as binding as in the other cases. The 
grotesque absurdity is that, instead of obeying the 
constitution and reducing the representation of these 
states by fully one-half, the new apportionment actu- 
ally gives Louisiana, Mississippi and North Carolina an 
additional vote each in congress. No doubt this avoided 
a sectional struggle of extraordinary bitterness, but at 
what a price! As before pointed out, the real sig- 
nificance of the matter is the apparent ease with which 
the constitution is set aside to meet the necessities of a 
race problem. Either the constitution must fall into 
contempt or we shall have to stop taking on groups of 
population to whom our fundamental institutions 
cannot be extended in practice as well as in theory. 



The conference of the National Negro Business 
League, which assembled in Boston in August of 1900, 
was unique. For the first time since the negroes were 
freed an attempt was made to bring together, from all 
over the United States, a company of representative 
business men and women of the race. Over three 
hundred delegates were present. They came from 
thirty states, and from an area which extended from 
Nebraska to Florida and from Texas to Maine. 

Many of these men once were slaves. Others were 
younger men, born since the civil war and educated in 
the industrial schools and colleges ; but they were al- 
most all alike in one respect, that they had come up 
from the bottom and had gained whatever of property 
and position which they possessed by their own efforts. 
The business enterprises which they represented were 
manifold; their range and the success which these 
men have attained in them were object-lessons to the 
country. Another lesson, no less striking, was the 
conduct of the conference itself. 

The New Orleans riots occurred while the prepar- 
ations for the conference were being made. The 
streets of New York resounded to the cries of a negro- 
hunting mob just at the time when many of the dele- 



gates were leaving their homes to come to Boston. 
When the conference assembled, on the morning of 
August twenty-third, the newspapers were rilled with 
accounts of the disturbances at Akron. And yet, 
throughout sessions which occupied two days and two 
evenings, in which at least two hundred persons spoke, 
there was not one single reference to the riots or to 
the conditions which gave rise to them. These were 
business men, come to Boston for a definite purpose 
with which politics had no connection, and they at- 
tended strictly to business. Nor was this the result of 
fear or intimidation. The position of the promoters of 
the league had been plainly stated beforehand and the 
policy of the gathering outlined. 

I quote from one of the most widely published an- 
nouncements of the meetings: "Those who are in- 
terested in the success of the league do not underesti- 
mate the importance of seeing to it that the negro does 
not give up any part of the struggle for retaining his 
citizenship. They are against the repeal of the fif- 
teenth amendment, and they believe that election laws 
throughout the country should be made to apply with 
equal justice to black and white alike. They believe 
that if the franchise is restricted in any state it should 
not be done in such a way that an ignorant white man 
can vote while an ignorant black man cannot. At the 
same time they recognize the fact that to retain citizen- 
ship and the respect of the nation there must go with 
the negro's demands for justice, tangible, indisputable 
proofs of the progress of the race, or, briefly, that deeds 
and words must go together. They believe that help- 
ing the negro along commercial lines will help his 
political status. This is not a political meeting. It is 
a business gathering. Politics and other general mat- 
ters pertaining to the race are dealt with at the sessions 
of the national Afro- American Council." 


I think that a paragraph in an editorial in one of 
the Boston papers, printed just after the conference 
adjourned, described the tone of the gathering admira- 
bly. It said: " There was no politics in this gath- 
ering. There was no clamoring for rights. There 
was as little sentimentality as in a meeting of 
stock jobbers or railroad directors. . . . Wanton, 
insane cruelty of white men was something which 
colored men, minding their own business, could not 
reasonably cause, nor effectually rebuke. With a per- 
fect dignity they left the matter to those whom it con- 
cerned. . . . Their conduct was a sign of power, 
equal to any other that the conference gave witness of, 
the supreme power of manliness that is recognized in 

It had seemed to me for some time that an organi- 
zation was needed which would bring together the 
colored business men and women of the country for 
consultation and to obtain information and inspiration 
from each other. As I had traveled through the coun- 
try, especially in the South, I had often been impressed 
and repeatedly surprised to see how many colored men 
were succeeding in business enterprises, often in small, 
out-of-the-way places where they are never heard of, 
but where they are doing good work not only for them- 
selves but for the race. I do not mean that the men 
and women who are in business in the cities are not 
doing equally well, but their work is better known 
because it is more obvious. How much I wish that our 
race might be judged by these people and by its stu- 
dents and teachers instead of, as is too often the case, by 
those who are in the penitentiaries and idle on the 
street corners. Other races are judged by their best. 
Why not the negro ? 

Unless one has given some consideration to the 
subject he will be surprised to learn how widely the 


colored people have gone into business. There were 
present at the meeting in Boston the representative of 
a colored cotton factory, a bank president, the president 
of a negro coal mine, grocers, real- estate dealers, the 
owner of a four-story brick storage warehouse and the 
proprietor of a trucking business operating forty teams, 
dry-goods dealers, druggists, tailors, butchers, barbers, 
undertakers, the owner of a steam carpet- cleaning busi- 
ness, manufacturers of brooms, tinware and metal 
goods, hair goods, etc., a florist, printers and publishers, 
insurance agents, caterers, restaurant keepers, general 
merchants, contractors and builders, the owner and 
proprietor of a brick yard (in North Carolina) which 
turns out several million bricks a year, and in fact rep- 
resentatives of almost every industry which can be sug- 

Two men who were present at the conference were 
the mayors of negro towns which they have built up in 
the South. One of these men, Mr. Isaiah T. Mont- 
gomery, was once a slave of Jefferson Davis. Fifteen 
years ago he began to colonize a tract of land in the 
valley of the Yazoo River, in Mississippi. Colored 
people now own 12,000 acres there. In the town of 
Mound Bayou, which is the nucleus of the settlement, 
Mr. Montgomery said there are ten stores and shops 
owned by colored people, doing a business of at least 
$30,000 a year. Mr. J. C. Leftwich, of Alabama, owns 
over a thousand acres of land not far from Montgom- 
ery, where he is building up a town which he has 
named " Klondike." All the business is in the hands 
of colored people, even the postmaster being a colored 

Three of the best addresses were made by women, 
one of them, Mrs. A. M. Smith, the president of a col- 
ored business woman's club and employment agency in 
Chicago ; one by Mrs. A. Thornton, a dermatologist, of 


Cincinnati, and one by Mrs. A. A. Casneau, a dress- 
maker, of Boston. The last named woman is the author 
of a book upon dressmaking which has been quite wide- 
ly used. She told of an interesting experience with a 
white woman who came to Boston to take some addi- 
tional lessons from her, suggested from the book, and 
who did not know that the woman she was coming to 
see was a colored woman. For this to be understood I 
must first relate an incident which occurred to one of 
our Tuskegee Institute students, because it was to this 
incident that Mrs. Casneau referred. 

Among the other industries taught at Tuskegee In- 
stitute is that of dairying. We have a herd of over one 
hundred good dairy cows, and classes of young men and 
women are constantly receiving practical instruction in 
this industry, doing all of the work of the dairy at the 
same time. There came to our knowledge the fact that 
the owners of a certain creamery were looking for a 
competent superintendent. We had just graduated a 
man whom we knew to be thoroughly competent in 
every way, but he was just about as black as any one 
could possibly be. Nevertheless we sent him on to ap- 
ply for the position. When the owners of the cream- 
ery saw him they said: " But you are a colored man. 
That would never do. We cannot hire a colored man." 

Our candidate politely intimated that he had not 
come there to talk about any color except butter color, 
and kept on talking about that, while the owners kept 
talking about his color. Finally something which he 
said so caught their attention that they told him he 
might stay and run the creamery for a fortnight, al- 
though they still insisted that it was out of the question 
for them to hire a colored man as superintendent. 

When the returns for the first week's shipment of 
butter made by our man came back, it was found that 
the butter had sold for two cents a pound more than 


any product of the creamery had ever before sold for. 
The owners of the establishment said: "Why, now, 
this is very singular;" and waited for the next week's 

The second week's returns showed that the butter 
had sold for a cent a pound more than that of the week 
before, three cents more than before the colored man 
had taken charge of the work. That time the owners 
did not stop to say anything. They simply hired the 
man as quickly as they could. The extra three cents on 
a pound which he could get for his butter had knocked 
every particle of color out of his skin so far as they 
were concerned. 

Mrs. Casneau, in her address before the league, 
said that when she received a letter from her customer 
saying that the woman was coming to Boston to call 
upon her at a certain time, her courage failed her 
because she knew that this customer had no idea that 
she was to meet a colored woman as the author of the 
book which she had been studying. When the day 
came, and the bell rang, and she was told that this 
woman had arrived, she was at first almost tempted to 
send in word that she was ill and could not see her, 
when suddenly there came into her mind the story of 
the Tuskegee graduate who had declined to discuss any 
question of color except the butter color which per- 
tained to his business. "I went into the room as 
bravely as I could," she said, "and, although the 
woman looked and acted just as I felt sure she would, I 
would not let myself take any notice of it, but went on 
talking business as fast as I could. The result was that 
we made a business engagement, through which, after- 
wards, other work came to me.'' 

This meeting not only showed to the country what 
the colored people are doing, but it gave the delegates, 
especially those who came from the South, an oppor- 


tunity to see something of the business methods em- 
ployed by northern people. .1 think it will have some- 
thing of the same good effect on them that the bringing 
of the Cuban teachers to the United States may be ex- 
pected to have on the Cubans. 

If a record of the business enterprises operated by 
colored men and women in the United States were 
available it would be interesting and instructive, but 
such information has not yet been very generally re- 

From the published reports of the valuable studies 
of Professor W. E. B. Du Bois I make a few extracts 
bearing on the subject. In his book, "The Phila- 
delphia Negro, 5 ' Dr. Du Bois deals chiefly with the 
colored people of the seventh ward of that city. The 
author says that this particular ward is selected because 
it "is an historic center of negro population and con- 
tains one-fifth of all the negroes in the city." The 
negro population of Philadelphia in 1890 was 40,000, 
and over 8,000 lived in this ward. Both these numbers 
will undoubtedly show an increase when the figures of 
the census recently taken are available. In this ward 
Dr. Du Bois found the following- named business estab- 
lishments operated by negroes: 39 restaurants, 24 
barber shops, 1 1 groceries, 1 1 cigar stores, 2 candy and 
notion stores, 4 upholsterers, 2 liquor saloons, 4 under- 
takers (two of these were women), i newspaper, i drug 
store, 2 patent-medicine stores, 4 printing offices. 

There were 83 caterers in the ward, but some of 
these Dr. Du Bois reports as doing a small business, 
and others as engaged in the business only a part of 
the year, being otherwise employed the rest of the 
time. The business of catering by negroes in Philadel- 
phia has always been remarkable for the ability and 
success with which it has been conducted. Several 
men of the race in that city have been famous for their 


work in this line. Dr. Du Bois, in writing of the ca- 
terer, reports "about ten who do a business of from 
$3,000 to $5,000 a year." 

In addition to these there were at the same time 
in other parts of the city, among the negro business 
establishments, 49 barber shops, 8 grocery stores, 27 
restaurants, 8 coal and wood dealers. There was a 
successful florist, a large crockery store, and success- 
ful real-estate dealers. 

From the reports of other studies of Dr. Du Bois, 
in the South, I make some extracts. I do not quote 
his lists in full, but give only a few of the leading en- 
terprises reported : 

Birmingham, Ala. 8 grocers, 6 barbers, 4 drug- 
gists, 4 tailors. Montgomery, Ala. 6 grocers, 2 un- 
dertakers, 2 drug-store keepers, i butcher. Vicksburg, 
Miss. 2 jewelers, 2 tailors, 2 drug- store keepers, 2 
newspapers, 2 dry-goods dealers, i undertaker. Nash- 
ville, Tenn. 9 contractors, 6 grocers, 2 undertakers, 
2 saloon keepers, 2 drug stores. Houston, Tex. n 
grocers, 10 real-estate dealers, 5 contractors, 6 barbers. 
Richmond, Va. 2 banking and insurance men, 2 under- 
takers, 2 fish dealers. Tallahassie, Fla. 3 groceries, 2 
meat markets. Americus, Ga. 12 groceries, i drugstore, 
i wood yard. Seattle, Wash. i real-estate dealer, 2 
barbers, 3 restaurants. I do not have available a list 
of enterprises in the city of Pensacola, Fla., but there 
are at least two groceries there, conducted by colored 
men, doing a business of $10,000 a year each, and suc- 
cessful restaurants, contractors, drug- store keepers, 
shoe- makers and tailors. 

Much has been said and written about the fitness 
of the negro for work in cotton factories. Until the 
negro is given a fair trial under encouraging condi- 
tions I shall be slow to believe that he is not fitted for 
profitable work in factories. . For years the colored 


man has been the main operative in the tobacco fac- 
tories of the South, and, aside from this, he operates in 
very large measure all of the cotton-seed oil mills in 
the South and is engaged in every avenue of mechan- 
ical work. I think those who hold to the theory that 
the negro cannot be depended upon as a laborer in fac- 
tories will find their theory exploded in a few years 
very much in the same way that dozens of other the- 
ories regarding him have been exploded. 

The failure of the Vesta Cotton Mills, in Charles- 
ton, S. C., has been laid to the door of the negro. 
Those who have written on this subject seemingly for- 
get, however, to state that these same mills failed once, 
and I think twice, under white labor and that these 
mills have never had colored labor exclusively in them. 
When I visited Charleston a few months ago and made 
a careful inspection of these mills, I found at least one- 
third of the operatives were white people, the remain- 
ing two-thirds being colored. The colored people, as 
I remember it, occupied two floors and the whites the 
other floor, so that the failure cannot be wholly ascribed 
to colored labor. 

Few cotton mills North or South have succeeded 
in large cities where there is no opportunity to segre- 
gate and control the labor. If the negro is given a fair 
trial in a small village, or in a country district where 
he is so situated in his home life that the operators can 
control, as they do in the case of the white laborer, the 
life of the families, I believe that the negro will suc- 
ceed in the cotton factory equally as well as the white 
man. Until such fair trial is given him it is unfair and 
misleading to make sweeping statements regarding his 
reliability in this respect. 

In further proof of my statement that the negro 
can succeed in factory work if given a fair opportunity, 
I refer to the employment of colored persons in the 


silk factory at Fayetteville, N. C., a small town where 
conditions are much more conducive to factory life than 
in Charleston. Mr. H. E. C. Bryant, a white man and 
one of the editors of the Charlotte Daily Observer, pub- 
lished at Charlotte, N. C., recently visited this silk 
factory in Fayetteville and after his visit said in his 
paper : 

"It is the most unique and interesting manufacturing plant in the 
state, if not in the entire South. It is managed by Rev. T. W. Thurs- 
ton, a mulatto, born in Pennsylvania and educated in Philadelphia, and 
who is highly respected by the white and colored citizens of Fayette- 

Mr. Bryant further remarks : 

" It has proved a signal success. Its continued success will mean 
much to the negro of the South. The building is of brick, three stories 
high, and the mill has 10,000 spindles and employs 400 operatives, mainly 
boys and girls between 10 and 18 years old. The first floor contains the 
reeling department over which Mr. J. H. Scarbough, a young German, 
is foreman ; the second is devoted to winding and doubling, and Ger- 
trude Hood (colored), daughter of Bishop Hood, is in charge ; and the 
third, weaving, with Mr. Harry Fieldhouse, an Englishman, as fore- 
man. The mill has the appearance of a well-regulated school. The 
operatives are thoroughly organized and work with perfect system. I 
found order and neatness on every hand. The children did not seem 
frightened but satisfied and ambitious. None but the best class of boys 
and girls are employed at the silk mills. The employment of colored 
labor has not caused racial trouble. It takes the young negro from the 
streets and makes a good citizen of him and turns loose about $4,000 a 
month to spend for food and clothing." 

Despite these evidences of progress, it has been 
said, sometimes, that negroes cannot come together 
and successfully unite in holding such meetings as that 
of the National Negro Business League, and that this is 
a proof of their business incapacity. I think such a 
meeting as that of last August disproves that theory. 
What gave me the most encouragement was the manly 
and straightforward tone used in all the papers and 
discussions. There were no complaints. At the next 
session I believe that there will be still larger numbers 
and stronger support. I believe that as a race we shall 


succeed and grow, and be a people, with our due rep- 
resentation in business life, right here in America. 
We must not be discouraged, and we must watch our 
opportunities and take advantage of them. There is no 
force on earth that can keep back a brave people that is 
determined to get education and property and Christian 
character. They never can be defeated in their prog- 


The death of Queen Victoria closed the longest 
reign in the history of monarchical institutions. She 
was on the throne sixty-four years (1837-1901), being 
four years longer than the reign of any other European 
monarch. George the Third's reign was the next 
longest, being sixty years (1760-1820), but during the 
last nine years he was insane and the government was 
under the regency of his son, George IV. Henry III. 
reigned fifty -six years (1216-1272), and Edward III. 
fifty years (i 327- 1 377). 

Besides being the longest, Victoria's reign was in 
all respects the most remarkable. Under it more 
political, industrial and religious progress was made 
than during the reign of any ten other monarchs the 
world ever saw. Since Victoria came to the throne in- 
dustry has been revolutionized, the condition of the 
laboring classes in England has been changed from that 
of practical serfdom to political and social freedom ; 
the hours of labor have been reduced one-third and 
wages doubled ; the English workmen have been made 
into active citizens with the full power of the franchise, 
politically the equals of any lord in the realm. Religious 
freedom has been definitely and irrevocably secured, 
and in Ireland at least church and state have been 
completely separated, catholics and protestants being 
put upon a common level. The principle of democracy 
has been thoroughly established, the right of nomina- 
tion as well as of election has been taken from a fac- 
tion and class and given to the people, so that not only 
the house of commons but the officers of municipal 
government throughout England, both in their selec- 
tion and election, are in the hands of the people. In 



this respect the political progress in England has 
reached a more advanced and more truly democratic 
plane than has yet been attained even in this country. 

But in all this the queen played practically no part, 
and so far as is known she never expressed an approving 
opinion of any of the great reforms that shocked Eng- 
land during her reign. Her chief virtue in this respect 
was in refraining from opposition. 

In the case of the abolition of the purchase of com- 
missions in the army, she was practically coerced by 
Mr. Gladstone. The house of commons^had acted in 
favor of abolition, and, knowing the house of lords 
would oppose it, he asked the queen to do it by royal 
proclamation. She was utterly opposed to the meas- 
ure, but he asked her in such a way that her very 
frugal shrewdness prevented her from declining. Had 
she done so the house of commons might have refused 
to vote the supplies for the civil list and various special 
allowances for the personal expenditures and perqui- 
sites of the royal family, amounting to over a million 
pounds a year, which in that case would have to be de- 
frayed from her majesty's private resources. Nor did 
she refuse to approve the bill to disestablish the Irish 
church, nor for that matter any other bill passed by 
parliament. She never once exercised the veto power. 
But she never forgave Mr. Gladstone for forcing upon 
her these disagreeable duties. The popularity of the 
great Commoner was too great for even the queen 
openly to oppose. 

This should not be recorded as particularly against 
the queen. She could hardly be expected to be per- 
sonally in favor of such progressive steps. She was at 
the very center of conservatism. Her whole environ- 
ment, interests and thinking were of necessity from the 
point of view of conserving the traditions of the mon- 
archy, and with it, of course, the status of the aristo- 


cratic classes. It is not surprising, therefore, that she 
should on a few occasions have shown reluctance to ap- 
prove, or even opposition to, the innovations of a mani- 
festly democratic movement. The surprise is, rather, 
that she should have acquiesced in so much and op- 
posed so little. This is really the secret of her popu- 
larity. It was not for what she did but for what she re- 
frained from doing that the English people learned to 
love her so much. 

She was reared in the era of middle- class struggle 
for freedom and was queen during the era of the popu- 
lar struggle for democracy. Less than three months 
after she was born the " Peterloo massacre" occurred, 
in which many people were killed and injured for at- 
tending a public meeting in Peterloo Square, Man- 
chester, to protest against the corn laws and demand 
the right to vote. Instead of suppressing the move- 
ment this massacre had the effect of intensifying it, and 
under the leadership of Henry Hunt, who was chief 
speaker at the forbidden meeting, it increased from 
that time on. Overthrow of the " rotten-borough " 
system and establishment of legitimate representa- 
tion in parliament became the objects of an irrepressi- 
ble demand which culminated in the passage of the re- 
form bill of 1832, giving the middle-class representa- 
tion in parliament. 

Simultaneously with this movement the factory 
system had come into existence. With it came a period 
of increasing wealth and power for the middle class and 
dire oppression for labor. The poorhouses were emptied 
into the factories and little children as well as women 
and men were worked sixteen hours a day. The landed 
aristocracy, which was intensely jealous of this rapidly 
growing middle class, protested against the brutality 
of the factory masters under their new system of indus- 
try, and thus encouraged the movement for reform of 


the factory conditions. In 1802 a law was passed pre- 
venting children working in factories on Sundays, in 
order that they might attend divine service. In 1815 
a committee was appointed by the house of commons 
to investigate the conditions of factory labor, which re- 
sulted in the passage of a law in 1819 prohibiting the 
employment of children under nine years of age, and 
restricting all workers under sixteen years to twelve 
hours a day. 

Thus the movement for wholesome industrial legis- 
lation had taken practical form at the time the queen 
was born. Through the cooperation of the more phil- 
anthropic members of the aristocracy and the increas- 
ing boldness of the laborers, together with the experi- 
ments of Robert Owen, the short-hour movement 
pushed forward with increasing vigor. A further legal 
reduction of the hours of labor to eleven and a half a 
day was secured in 1825, and in 1831 the hours were 
reduced to eleven, and night work for all persons under 
1 8 years of age abolished. In 1833 this law was ex- 
tended to numerous other industries and finally to coal 

Under the leadership of Wilberforce, after twenty- 
seven years agitation, slavery was abolished through- 
out the British dominions, and in 1835 the chartist 
movement was organized, demanding universal suf- 
frage, vote by ballot, annual parliaments, equal elec- 
toral districts, no property qualifications, and payment 
of members of parliament. Thus, when Victoria came 
to the throne, she found the middle class possessing the 
suffrage, the factory acts in operation, and an organ- 
ized movement among the masses for universal suffrage, 
the secret ballot and a program amounting practically 
to democracy. 

All this had a wholesome influence on the young 
queen. She had seen the danger of obstinate resist- 

224 G UNTON 'S MA GA Z.INE [March, 

ance to the popular will in the experience of her uncle, 
William IV., who was compelled to promise an un- 
limited increase of peers to pass the first reform bill ; 
so that when she became queen, to her great credit be 
it recorded, she left all the actual resistance to these 
rapidly growing demands for reform to the aristocracy 
and to parliament. Her non-interference steadily in- 
creased her popularity with the people until they 
almost came to believe that she favored their demands. 
At any rate they felt sure that if they could secure 
parliament they would have no trouble with the queen, 
for which they learned to love her. The house of 
lords, on the contrary, steadily interposed its opposi- 
tion to every step of political advance, and thereby 
earned the distrust and almost hatred of the common 
people in about the same degree that the queen secured 
their respect and admiration. 

At this time also, England was greatly stirred by 
an agitation for the repeal of religious disabilities, 
which excluded everybody from holding office except 
members of the church of England. This movement 
had been growing more intense every year since the 
passage of the reform bill, and in 1828 parliament was 
compelled to yield to the pressure of the demand of the 
non- conformists for the repeal of the "test and cor- 
poration act." This act made it necessary to take the 
sacrament of the Church of England to hold any office, 
national or local, in Great Britain, and therefore ex- 
cluded all non- conformists as well as catholics and 
Jews from holding any public office whatever. The 
repeal of this act gave encouragement to the catholics, 
who for years had been struggling for the right of 
representation in parliament. Their exclusion had 
been accomplished by compelling them to take an oath 
subscribing to the protestant religion. A measure for 
abolishing this oath had already been rejected many 


times by the house of lords, Daniel O'Connell having 
been elected twice and prevented from taking his seat. 
Under the advice of the Duke of Wellington, as a 
choice between " reform and revolution," the house of 
lords yielded and catholic emancipation was obtained 
in 1829. 

Now began that severe contest between the aris- 
tocratic land- owning class and the mercantile class, 
known as the anti-corn-law agitation. In 1839 the 
anti- corn-law league was organized in Manchester. It 
had behind it the wealth and vigor of the entire manu- 
facturing class of England. The object of this league 
was to secure the removal of all duties on foodstuffs, 
which meant the adoption of free trade in England. 
English manufacturers had outlived the need of protec- 
tion, which had been vigorously insisted upon from the 
time of Edward III. They had obtained a monopoly of 
factory methods, which gave them an advantage over 
all foreign competitors, and what they now wanted was 
cheap food and foreign markets for manufactured wares. 
The chartist movement, on the other hand, was a real 
democratic industrial movement for the masses. This 
demanded the same political rights for laborers that 
their employers had received by the act of 1832. Al- 
though it was a continuation of the Henry Hunt move- 
ment, which included the repeal of the corn laws, the 
chartists had dropped the repeal of the corn laws from 
their demands. Their reason for doing so was that the 
repealers, who were the manufacturers, wanted cheap 
bread only that they might pay low wages. This atti- 
tude of the chartists had been created by the bitter 
opposition of the whole manufacturing class to the 
factory acts. 

The first years of the queen's reign, therefore, 
were occupied with these two movements, which were 
probably more intense than any two movements that 


ever existed simultaneously and were not actual war. 
One movement represented the employing class and the 
other the laborers and unenfranchised masses. The 
landed aristocracy was the mortal enemy of the anti- 
corn-law league, and hence, while not the least in sym- 
pathy with anything like democracy, it gave some 
encouragement to the movement of the masses, partic- 
ularly on the line of factory legislation. Lord Ashley, 
afterwards Earl of Shaftesbury, who was a traditional 
landed aristocrat, a prominent tory and unrelenting 
antagonist to the anti- corn-law league, was a member 
of the first reform parliament and assumed the leader- 
ship of the laborers' demand for factory legislation. 
Beginning with 1840 he brought the subject before par- 
liament almost every year. In 1844 he succeeded in 
getting a law enacted prohibiting the working of chil- 
dren under 14 years of age more than half time in any 
industry whatever, compelling them to go to school the 
other half-day, making attendance on school a requisite 
to the right of employment. This law is still in opera- 
tion and is one of the best pieces of legislation for the 
health, education and social improvement of the Eng- 
lish laborers that was ever enacted. 

At this same time, under the leadership of John 
Bright, who entered politics in 1841 and parliament in 
1843, an d Richard Cobden, the real leader of the anti- 
corn-law movement, the struggle for free trade waxed 
hot both inside and outside parliament. In parliament 
the annual struggle was being made for more factory 
legislation, out of parliament the agitation of the chart- 
ists on the one hand and the corn-law repealers on the 
other, keeping England in a constant state of ferment. 
The chartists were meeting on Sundays in the fields 
and on the hilltops near every large town, and the corn- 
law repealers were holding mass meetings in all avail- 
able halls and theatres in the large cities. During the 


four months from December, 1842, to March, 1843, 
instance, there were 136 mass meetings held in London 
at which Bright and Cobden spoke. In many instances 
the leaders of the two movements held public debates 
and in not a few instances the meetings ended in riot 
and bloodshed. 

Both of these movements which so stirred England 
during the first ten years of the queen's reign culmina- 
ted about the same time. In 1846 the corn laws were 
repealed. This so exasperated the land owners that 
the next year the tories voted for Lord Ashley's ten- 
hour bill, to punish the manufacturers for having re- 
pealed the corn laws. The chartists attempted revolu- 
tion and were suppressed in 1848. 

The queen having married, February loth, 1840, 
now had the wise cooperation, counsel and support of 
Prince Albert, who was sympathetic and sagacious and 
always showed an intelligent appreciation of the tem- 
per of the English people, which was very necessary 
during the very lively times of the middle of the century. 
Instead of the people becoming indifferent after these 
great accomplishments, success only whetted the appe- 
tite for more. The operation of the ten-hour factory 
law was so beneficial to all the laborers affected that it 
laid the foundation for wider application of the factory 
acts and gained increasing support from all the disin- 
terested classes in the community. During the next 
ten years, in almost every session parliament was asked 
to extend the factory acts to new industries or amend 
the law for its better enforcement, resulting in the 
creation of a board of factory inspectors. This move- 
ment gathered in its support not merely the factory 
workers themselves but philanthropists, ministers, edu- 
cators and physicians, all of whom testified to the bene- 
ficial effects upon the physical health as well as the 
mental and moral character of the operatives. But, in 


addition to all this, its economic effect was such as 
effectively to disprove every pessimistic prediction 
made by its opponents, the leaders of whom were 
Bright, Cobden and the anti-corn-law advocates. Its 
influence in this respect was perhaps the most mar- 
vellous of all, since it actually converted several of the 
staunchest opponents of the movement. 

On one instance, in 1860, when the motion was be- 
fore the house of commons to extend the operation of 
the factory acts to hitherto unprotected industries, Mr. 
Arthur Roebuck and Sir James Graham, two of the 
most conspicuous speakers against the ten-hour law in 
1847, rose in the house of commons and testified to 
their entire conversion and apologized for having voted 
against the ten-hour law. Both men supported the new 
measure. Sir James Graham (formerly prime minister) 
prefaced his vote by saying: "By the vote I shall give 
to-night, I will endeavor to make some amends for the course 
I pursued in earlier life in opposing the factory bill." Four 
years later, Sir Thomas Bazley, Mr. Gladstone and 
others changed their position on the question in the 
same manner, and in 1874 with Mr. Gladstone's aid the 
hours of labor were further reduced to nine-and-a-half 
hours a day. During this period, also, labor unions 
advanced from the position of conspiracies before the 
law to a legal respectable status, recognized not only 
by the laboring class but ultimately among the em- 
ployers as a legitimate feature of successful industry. 

While the immediate effect of the repeal of the 
corn laws was not as expected, when industries were 
adjusted to the new conditions the increase of manu- 
facturing industries was enormous. Foreign trade 
multiplied, labor for mechanics was increased, wages 
rose, prosperity and its concomitant welfare prevailed 
in all branches of manufacture, but the death blow was 
struck to agriculture. The foreign influx of foodstuffs 


destroyed all energy and success in English agricul- 
ture, and the progress of the agricultural class, par- 
ticularly the laborers, was effectually arrested. What 
is worse, it has essentially remained so until this day. 
Wages of agricultural laborers in 1901 are not percep- 
tibly higher than they were in 1840. The only ad- 
vantage they have reaped from the immense progress 
during the last sixty years is what has reached them in 
the cheapening of the commodities they consume. 
Even in the case of manufacturing industry, the ad- 
vantage a free-trade policy gave England seems to have 
nearly run its course. Other countries have been in- 
troducing modern machinery, operated by labor cheaper 
than English manufacturers can command, to such an 
extent that manufactured goods are even shipped into 
England and sold in the English market. The result 
is that to-day England is seriously considering the re- 
vival of a quasi-protective tariff policy. 

In the sphere of politics, the progress about the 
middle of the century was commensurate with the ex- 
pansion of manufactures and commerce and the in- 
creased welfare of the laborers. The new spirit of 
liberty demanded freedom of the press, and in 1855 the 
stamp tax on newspapers, which had once been as high 
as eight cents a copy, was finally abolished. Moreover, 
the struggle for religious rights, which in 1828 had 
abolished the test and corporation act and in 1829 given 
catholic emancipation, in 1858 removed the last dis- 
abilities of the Jews and established their right to sit 
in parliament. 

On the principle that ' ' the blood of the martyrs is 
the seed of the church," the suppressed chartist move- 
ment rose again in the form of the cooperative move- 
ment. The very year after the chartist leaders were 
sent to jail, George Jacob Holyoake and a few of the 
unimprisoned disciples of chartism met in Toad Lane, 

230 G UNTON'S MA GAZ1NE [March, 

Rochdale, and formed a pioneer cooperative society, 
which is to-day the greatest cooperative enterprise in 
the world. Imbued with the spirit of agitation born of 
the chartist and short-hour movements, it became a 
part of the policy of the cooperators to furnish a lec- 
ture hall and reading room in connection with the co- 
operative store, and as a very large number of them 
owned their own buildings these lecture halls became 
the chief places of public discussion for radical move- 
ments, the churches and schoolrooms being reserved 
for the opposition. 

The importance of this to civilization was soon to 
be apparent. When the civil war in this country broke 
out, these cooperative lecture halls became the Faneuil 
Halls of England, from which the voice of the people 
effectively went forth and prevented the English gov- 
ernment from siding with the South and giving victory 
to the slave power against the union. This was indeed 
a period of political education for the unenfranchised 
laborers of England; and after the close of the civil 
war, when the factories resumed work and prosperity 
returned, the effect of this education showed itself in 
the new political movements among the masses. 

A league was organized in Birmingham, known as 
the Birmingham reform league, for the purpose of 
agitating another extension of the franchise. The 
chief demands of this league were manhood suffrage 
and vote by ballot. John Bright, although he had 
been an unmitigated opponent of the factory acts, was 
the most conspicuous and powerful leader in the move- 
ment just referred to regarding the American war and 
in this had become a popular hero of the nation. When 
the new reform movement began, Mr. Bright gave it 
his warmest support and became one of its most prom- 
inent advocates. At the election in 18615 parliamentary 
reform was made the issue and Mr. Gladstone its 


leader. He was elected with a good majority in the 
house of commons and immediately proceeded to intro- 
duce a reform bill, not, indeed, as radical as that 
demanded by the Birmingham league but sufficiently 
so to propose giving the householders in boroughs a 
vote. Mr. Gladstone's bill was defeated, he resigned, 
and Lord Derby was made prime minister with Disraeli 
chancellor of the exchequer. 

The avowed object of the new administration was, 
as Lord Derby expressed it, ' ' to stem the tide of de- 
mocracy." This was another sting to the people, who 
had now become irrepressibly committed to an exten- 
sion of the franchise. Under the spur of this setback, 
Mr. Bright told a meeting of workingmen in London 
that if they would ' ' fill the space between Charing 
Cross and Westminster no ministry would dare to 
refuse their demands." They took his advice, agitation 
at once broke out, and in the large cities, particularly 
in London, Birmingham, Manchester, Leeds, and 
throughout the north of England, monster meetings 
were held such as are unknown in this country. In 
the summer of 1866, among other immense meet- 
ings, a demonstration was arranged to be held in 
Hyde Park, which had long been used for public gather- 
ings. Learning that this was to be an immense affair, 
the government made great preparations to stop it, and 
gave orders through Scotland Yards to keep the gates 
of Hyde Park locked and prevent the meeting from be- 
ing held. This so enraged the people, who had hitherto 
had no other than the most peaceful intentions, that they 
broke the gates, tore down nearly two miles of the iron 
railings surrounding the park, and rushed in, trampling 
over shrubs and breaking small trees. They held their 
meeting, with several platforms, the chief one being un- 
der the largest tree in the park, which to this day is 
called the "reform tree." That broke the resistance to 


parliamentary reform in the house of commons as com- 
pletely as it did the railings around Hyde Park. The 
tory ministry introduced a still more radical measure 
than the one proposed by Mr. Gladstone, which they 
had defeated a few weeks before ; and the second reform 
bill became a law in 1867. 

This radical change in the electorate, involving a 
change in the constitution of the house of commons, 
called for a dissolution of parliament, but just before its 
dissolution Mr. Gladstone introduced what proved to be 
another stirring reform. It consisted of three resolu- 
tions calling for the disestablishment of the Irish church. 
This was the issue of the campaign, and a bitter issue it 
was. The proposition was one more step in the direc- 
tion of religious freedom. It took away the state reve- 
nues from the church and applied them to education in 
Ireland. On that issue Mr. Gladstone was triumphantly 
elected, with a majority of 120 in the house of commons. 
To this reform, as to nearly every really progressive 
step that had been taken during the century, the house 
of lords was a force of obstruction. Bishops who had 
seats in the house of lords became frantic at the pros- 
pect of disestablishing the Irish church, not so much on 
account of the church in Ireland but they saw in it the 
ultimate disestablishment of the church of England. 
However, the spirit of justice and religious freedom had 
made successful opposition to disestablishment impossi- 
ble. Gladstone and his majority in the new parliament 
meant business, the church was disestablished, and reli- 
gious equality secured for Ireland. 

In 1870 parliament passed a law providing for pop- 
ular education. Education, much less free education ex- 
cept what was provided by the factory acts, was until then 
unknown in England. In 1871 Mr. Gladstone also took 
the radical step which led to the abolition of purchase 
of commissions in the army, a direct blow to the influ- 


ence of the aristocracy winch fairly infuriated the house of 
lords. It was this which led Mr. Gladstone to do the 
exceptional thing already referred to, of asking the 
queen to abolish the purchase of commissions by royal 
proclamation and thus accomplish the desire of the 
house of commons and the people independently of the 
house of lords. 

With all the progress that had taken place, the es- 
tablished church in England still had the right to tax 
dissenters of every denomination for the support of the 
Episcopal church. It was common for rich clergymen 
who were land owners with opulent rent rolls to go 
around and exact church rates from the poorest inhab- 
itants of their parishes, and if they refused have them 
sent to jail. Cases of this kind were commonly occur- 
ring in different sections of England, of course most 
frequently in the agricultural sections where the people 
had made the least progress. A long account of one 
such case is given by the Suffolk Mercury, in October, 

1873, where a rich land-owning clergyman had thrown 
a poor man named James Grant into jail because he 
refused to pay church rates, and his family were star- 
ving for lack of income because of his incarceration. 
The next year, 1874, Mr. Gladstone introduced a bill 
abolishing this scandalous religious tax, and so removed 
the last offensive burden upon the people for the state 
church, although the church still enjoys an income of 
some ten million pounds a year from state sources. 

With every new advance progress moved still more 
rapidly, and, since the second reform bill only extended 
the suffrage to householders in boroughs and established 
a ten-pound qualification for voting outside of counties, 
the spirit of democracy again asserted itself and de- 
manded the extension of suffrage to all householders 
in both county and borough. This was granted in 

1874, again under the leadership of Gladstone, thus 


extending the suffrage to the remnant of the unenfran- 
chised classes the agricultural laborers. This made 
England for all practical purposes a democracy. 

All in all, the progress England has made during 
Queen Victoria's reign is the most remarkable chapter 
in the world's history. It is even greater in many re- 
spects than the progress that has been made in this coun- 
try. At the beginning of her reign the United States 
was already a firmly established republic. Religious 
freedom and popular education were already accom- 
plished facts. Universal suffrage was in general prac- 
tice, whereas in England at the beginning of her reign 
popular government was unknown. Only the smallest 
group of the middle class had any political voice, the 
house of commons was practically a packed assembly, 
the press was taxed, the right of religious opinion was 
vouchsafed only to the believers in the established 
church. Laborers had no right to organize or safely to 
conduct public meetings in their own interests. In 
fact, ignorance, squalor, physical deformity and relig- 
ious and political oppression were the lot of the average 
English laborer. During her reign, to a very great 
extent, despotism has been transformed into democ- 
racy, ignorance into intelligence and enlightenment, 
poverty into prosperity and social welfare, persecution 
into protection ; and the principle of liberty and human 
rights, both at home and abroad, has become the ruling 
spirit of the English nation. All this has taken place 
under Queen Victoria's reign, and for the most part, if 
not by her aid, at least without her obstruction, some- 
thing which can be said of no other monarch, and for 
which her descendants, as well as the English people 
and for that matter the English-speaking race every- 
where, may be supremely proud. 



The Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen, organized 
at Oneonta, New York, September 23d, 1883, is a pro- 
tective labor and insurance association ; that is, it en- 
deavors to secure for its members, and all others in the 
same class of service, what is believed in fairness to be 
due to them in the way of wages and conditions of em- 
ployment, and it conducts an insurance department on 
the mutual assessment plan, in which every member, 
physically qualified, must participate. The organiza- 
tion is not, strictly speaking, a trade organization, 
although its members come from the train service of 
the steam railroads and each member must be em- 
ployed thereon as either conductor, baggageman, brake- 
man or switchman. The three last mentioned classes 
of service predominate, for the conductors have a well- 
established organization in which the great majority of 
that branch of the train service is to be found. Gener- 
ally speaking, the conductors who are members of the 
Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen are those who have 
been members of that organization while in the lower 
grades of the service and have retained their member- 
ship rather than seek other affiliation. 

The history of labor organization is very much the 
same and divides the organized labor movement into 
two classes, namely, the successful organizations and 
the unsuccessful ones. There can be no middle ground 
between effectiveness and impotency, for a labor 
organization must be either one or the other. It does 
not necessarily follow that, to be successful, an organ- 



ization must revolutionize the working conditions of 
the trade it represents but it is essential to its success 
that it protect wages and working conditions, except 
when, because of business depression or adverse trade 
conditions, it is forced by business exigency temporarily 
to accept unsatisfactory conditions. A labor organiza- 
tion may be entirely unsuccessful in improving the 
wage-earning capacity of its members and yet, because 
of its educative opportunities afforded the members, it 
may be eminently successful in every other respect. 
An organization failure can generally be traced to per- 
sonal ambition and jealousy on the part of its leaders, 
inability to govern its affairs intelligently, participation 
in partisan politics, and internecine dissensions that 
ultimately lead to disruption and loss of influence. 

The Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen feels en- 
titled to recognition as a successful labor organization, 
and for the reason that within the few years of its be- 
ing it has accomplished more than usually falls to the 
credit side of a labor organization account. 

The Brotherhood started its career with the ex- 
pressed belief that there was no reason for serious dif- 
ferences between the employer and the employee, and 
it included in its declaration of principles this state- 
ment : ' ' Persuaded that it is for the interest both of 
our members and their employers that a good under- 
standing should at all times exist between the two, it 
will be the constant endeavor of this organization to 
establish mutual confidence and create and maintain 
harmonious relations," and the organization can lay 
honest claim to the fact that it has never repudiated its 

The organization, by its practical methods of fair 
dealing, has overcome to a large extent what opposi- 
tion was against it at its inception ; it has secured to its 
members all the advantages that accrue from increased 


wages and improved conditions of employment ; it has 
secured favorable legislation in some instances, and in 
particular was very effective in securing the passage of 
the automatic safety -appliance act, protecting trainmen 
in their employment ; it has furnished its members 
insurance at cost and, what can be considered as a most 
worthy achievement, it has raised the moral and intel- 
lectual standard of its members and their families and 
in consequence has advanced them to a higher social 
position. The organization has been a school of prac- 
tical economics in which the members have learned 
many valuable lessons on the relative questions of work 
and wages ; and, in the knowledge that differences are 
not all one-sided, the organization has sought to adjust 
all questions that have arisen between the employer 
and the employee in an amicable manner. It has stood 
fast to its ideas of the advantage of conference, and in 
the failure of an agreement it has sought to adhere to 
its principles pertaining to conciliation, mediation and 
arbitration, rather than indulge in serious controversy 
with the employer. 

The protective feature of the organization has been 
instrumental in accomplishing the most satisfactory 
results. Before there was an organization the men in 
the train service were paid ridiculously low wages and 
were subject to the arbitrary performances of their 
superiors, who exercised their authority to discharge or 
suspend without question. No redress was possible 
and the employees were absolutely helpless against any 
decree that might be formulated by the employer. 

To demonstrate briefly what has been done, the 
statement can be made that at present the members of 
the Brotherhood have secured contracts upon all of the 
leading roads of this country and Canada. The majority 
of the agreements bear the signatures of the managers 
and the committees representing the employees, but 


there are a few companies that do not care to enter into 
a written agreement but which have made verbal agree- 
ments; and, whether written or verbal, it can be said 
to the credit of both employers and employees that the 
spirit and letter of the contracts have been generally 

These contracts represent increased wages, shorter 
hours, improved conditions of service, and guarantee 
promotion if ability warrants, in addition to which they 
assure the right of appeal against unjust treatment and 
generally cover all questions pertaining to the rules 
governing the service. An average increase in wages 
of thirty-five per cent, has been secured since the for- 
mation of the organization, and when it is remembered 
that this statement applies to all the employees in the 
service as well as to the members of the Brotherhood 
the far-reaching results can be appreciated. 

There has been so much said of the arbitrary per- 
formances of labor organizations that a word concerning 
the method of procedure may not be out of place here. 
An agreement is first undertaken by the committee 
representing the men, asking for an audience with the 
management. When the date is fixed the manager and 
the committee meet and go over the proposition sub- 
mitted by the committee. The meeting is a business 
one and opinions concerning the matters under discus- 
sion are freely expressed by both sides. If, after a 
hearing and consideration of the question, the proposi- 
tions are conceded or satisfactorily modified, the agree- 
ment is concluded and the committee returns to its du- 
ties in the service. Should there be a failure to agree, 
the committee will request the presence of the chief 
executive officer of the organization to assist them in 
effecting a settlement. Generally the manager, that 
officer, and the committee will arrange the questions in 
dispute, and many managers prefer ^to have the attend- 


ance of the officer, since the experience and knowledge 
of prevailing conditions possessed by him greatly assists 
to facilitate the business in hand. 

But if it so happen that no agreement can be reached 
and the questions in controversy are of vital importance 
to the employees, the result of the conference is given 
to the men and they decide whether it shall be pressed 
further or dismissed. If they decide to continue the 
affair, the question of striking (leaving work peaceably 
and in a body) is submitted to a secret ballot of the men. 
If two-thirds of them vote for a strike, and the vote re- 
ceives the sanction of the grand master and the com- 
mittee, a strike may be declared, but not until every 
effort that is consistent without sacrifice of honor and 
self-respect shall have been made to avert trouble. The 
organization is opposed to a strike and provides, as a 
penalty for indulging in an illegal strike, expulsion 
from the Brotherhood. 

It has been necessary to indulge in two strikes, but 
to-day the men have a good contract on each system 
where the strike occurred and both employer and em- 
ployee have the highest regard for each other. The 
organization was forced in each instance to take the po- 
sition it did, and I believe that at this time the officers 
of each company appreciate that fact. 

The Brotherhood is desirous of maintaining friendly 
relations with the employers and will always contribute 
its part toward that end. 

I know of no more convincing argument to present 
to bear out this statement of the good feeling existing 
between the employers and the Brotherhood than to 
point to the fact that, aside from four railways with an 
aggregate mileage of 6,500 miles, out of the (approxi- 
mately) 200,000 miles in the United States and Canada, 
the relations are harmonious and have been brought 
about by conference and contract. What opposition 


there is is of the evasive kind, and I feel perfectly safe 
in saying that it was founded in a mistaken idea of the 
purpose of the organization, 

The insurance feature of the Brotherhood deserves 
special mention, since the hazardous nature of the em- 
ployment of the members prevents them from enjoying 
the advantages offered to men in less dangerous voca- 
tions by fraternal associations. This department is 
operated from the fund raised for the conduct of the 
general business of the organization, and every dollar 
received on the assessments is paid back in the payment 
of claims. At this writing the amount paid reaches the 
respectable sum of $6,250,000. Insurance is provided 
against disability and death, at a rate of $20 per thou- 
sand per year. Three classes of policies are issued ; 
namely, for $400, $800 and $1,200. The great good 
that has come from this feature of the organization can- 
not be appreciated until a realization is had of the 
benefits that have accrued to thousands of the depend- 
ents of the disabled and deceased members. 

The organization publishes a monthly journal, 
known as the Railroad Trainmen s Journal. It is sent to 
each member of the organization and to subscribers 
who desire it. It is intended for the general informa- 
tion of the members and their families and calculated 
to furnish them with reading matter along the lines 
that are adjudged to be of particular interest to them. 
It has been a very effective means of educating them 
along social and economic lines and has led them to 
become close students of social problems. I believe 
that, as a class, they are more devoted to such matters 
of interest than any other one class of workers. 

I have prepared the following brief statement con- 
cerning the membership, the insurance carried, and its 
cost, for each year of the organization : 



s i 





0,0 fc 



Fiscal Period. 





Amount Paid 
on Claims. 

a^ * 


S'S 10 " 


^ /v^ ^ 

fl) flj ^ 

o C S 






188 '8 



$ 6,596 82 

l884-'85 . 


4 766 

w / 7 

$16 oo 


44,976 63 


*TJ / ^^ 

*T i^J 

21 66 





/ y X4 r 


16 25 



V ;7> 

123,106 25 

1887 '88 

w > *T / ^^ 

16 oo 


253,318 oo 

i888-'89 . , . ... 



21 OO 


274,027 25 

i88Q-'oo . 



22 OO 

** jv 


368,637 05 

1890 "91 

*-T> v 'J / 

20, 409 


21 OO 


1,014,424 oo 




23 oo 

J W 


590,310 20 

Sep. 1/93 toDec. 31/94 



15 83 


( A 22 50 

1805-96 . 



] B 22 50 


893,407 89 

( C 20 00 

/ 3 * 

A 22 50 

l8o7-'o8 . 

11 185 


B 22 5O 


1,042,014 44 

C 2000 


A 22 50 

1800 'oo 

41 225 

AI <f)K 

B 22 5O 


1,419,828 42 

4O ** j 

C 20 00 

Total . . 


$6,129,746 95 

Two assessments only of $i each for year 1884. 

From Aug. i, 1895, to July 31, 1897, there were three classes of in- 
surance: A, $400; B, $800; C, $1,200. Members had option of carrying 
any or all of them. 

In its operation the Brotherhood is thoroughly 
democratic, it interferes with neither religious nor po- 
litical opinions, it endeavors to educate its members, 
that they may adapt themselves to the changing social 
and economic conditions. It has raised the financial, 
moral and intellectual standing of its members and 
their families, as can be attested by their comfortable 
homes, their high standing in the communities in which 
they live, and the education that each family head is 
trying to give to his children, a combination of advan- 


tages that shows for itself in the general condition of 
the families of our railroad employees. 

It has not been my purpose to elaborate the princi- 
ples of the organization but simply to present the gen- 
eral idea of the Brotherhood and its attitude toward the 
employer, together with such other information as 
seemed to be of interest. The policy of the Brother- 
hood is one of fairness in all things, and in following it 
out it has endeavored to be just and courteous to the 
employer and at the same time make every endeavor to 
secure each possible advantage for its members. As it 
commenced with its platform of amity and fairness, 
so it has continued and is now, standing for the indus- 
trial peace that is so necessary to industrial success. 


The police law just enacted by the republican leg- 
islature of New York, under the leadership of Governor 
Odell, is a bold partisan violation of the essential prin- 
ciples of local self-government and is contrary to the 
spirit and genius of American institutions. The act 
abolishes the present board of police commissioners and 
substitutes a single commissioner, who is to be ap- 
pointed by the mayor but who can be arbitrarily re- 
moved by the governor without cause or right of hear- 
ing. A person once so removed is declared forever in- 
eligible for reappointment. This means that, unless 
the mayor appoints a commissioner who is agreeable to 
the governor for whatever reason, the governor can 
arbitrarily remove him. The logic of this is that the 
commissioner must be obedient to the governor and the 
powers the governor represents, rather than to the 
mayor and the citizens of the municipality who alone 
are interested. 

The passage of this recklessly partisan measure has 
given Tammany, whose administration is a reeking 
scandal, the opportunity to pose as the champion of the 
people's right of self-government, and it has promptly 
taken advantage of the opportunity. Mayor Van Wyck's 
veto of the police bill was a strong and almost states- 
manlike document. It exposed the partisan object of 
the measure, its manifest evasion of the constitution 
and its suppression of the right of the people to local 
self-government. The mayor had tradition, principle 
and the authoritative declaration of American states- 
men in his favor ; nay more, he had the history of con- 
stitution-making and the interpretation of the courts to 
support his rejection of the measure. If the republi- 



can legislature and governor had especially designed to 
come to the rescue of Tammany politicians in their 
effort to get another lease of power in the metropolis, a 
more effective method could hardly have been devised. 
It puts the republican party in the position of an enemy 
to home rule and leaves the defence of the people's 
rights to Tammany. 

In passing this measure the republican legislature 
does not represent the expressed or implied desire of 
the people. No such proposition for taking the gov- 
ernment away from the people was hinted at during 
the campaign ; yet, before the legislature convened, it 
was ''authoritatively" announced that a single-headed 
police commission bill would be passed before the end 
of February. This was not the result of any public 
discussion of the subject by the people, not even of 
discussion among the members of the legislature, but 
"an announcement of what the legislature would do" 
by an individual who was not a member of either branch 
of the legislature nor even of the state government. 
This, therefore, is not a republican measure in the 
sense of representing the opinion or policy of the re- 
publican party, much less of the people of the city or 
state of New York, but it is the product of the personal 
management of the republican organization, which de- 
termines the nomination of candidates for both branches 
of the legislature and consequently controls their 

It may be truly urged that the police force in New 
York city, under the control of Tammany, is an organ- 
ized assistance to crime and fraud, that it is the black- 
mailing guardian of vice, the protector of crime to the 
neglect of the interests of decency, honesty and the 
wholesome forces of society, and if the indictment were 
made twice as severe it could not overstate the case. 
It is a desperate problem, but will the mere 


transferring the control of the police force from 
New York city to Albany furnish any remedy? 
If we have reached the pass that a recourse to despot- 
ism is necessary to correct the vices of democracy and 
save society, we must at least be assured that the newly 
created autocrat will be clean, honest and efficient. 
With the present condition of organized politics in 
New York, however, this new law simply divides the 
power between the two political organizations. The 
power which announced that this bill would become a 
law before the end of February is the power which 
would control the action of the governor in his inter- 
ference with the police department. We have just had 
conclusive evidence that this power which governs 
republican politics is as unclean as Tammany itself. It 
corrupts the primaries and coerces delegates, it dictates 
and sells nominations and blackmails corporations ; in 
short, it lives and thrives upon the same debasing 
political methods which Tammany has reduced to a 
science. Under such conditions, to give the removal 
of the commissioner of police to a creature of the re- 
publican organization is simply to increase the power 
of that organization to force Tammany into a better 
division of the spoils. 

It may be said that the power of arbitrary removal 
would seldom be used without proper cause, but the 
methods of Tammany are such that a proper cause 
could nearly always be found to exist, and consequently 
a division of the spoils could easily be exacted as the 
price of approval of a Tammany appointee. 

There is little reason to believe that anything 
would be gained for clean government by placing the 
power of arbitrary removal of local officials in the 
hands of state or even of national authorities. Evi- 
dence is fresh in the minds of the people of a case 
where an appeal to the president, whom most people 


regard as honest, utterly failed to secure recognition 
and action against the corrupters of our political ma- 
chinery, although the very federal official who used his 
position to intimidate delegates, defeat the will of the 
people and destroy the very virtue of popular election, 
was of his own appointing and absolutely subject to the 
president's power of removal. The mayors, governors, 
and even president are for the most part creatures of this 
star-chamber political machinery. For political pre- 
ferment even great journals bow to its power, and 
either attack virtue or suppress the exposure of vice as 
the interests of " personal politics" may dictate. 

The first encounter between the two organizations 
for power and spoils under this new bill has already 
taken place. The police bill, through abolishing the 
police commission and office of chief, was intended 
permanently to remove Chief Devery and compel the 
Tammany mayor to put the police force of New York 
in cleaner hands, but it entirely miscarried in the first 
day of its existence. The character of the police bill is 
so perniciously partisan and undemocratic throughout 
that it emboldened Tammany's mayor to follow his 
very able veto by complete official defiance, and in less 
than twenty -four hours after the bungling measure 
became a law Devery was practically reinstated. The 
mayor promptly appointed one of the most offensive 
Tammany partisans to the position of single police 
commissioner, and the new commissioner within a few 
hours appointed the obnoxious Devery as his first 
deputy, which made him practically chief of police. 

So that, in the first instance, the bungling scheme 
to make Tammany "come down" has utterly failed. 
The victory is completely with Tammany. The whole 
performance is so clumsy and partisan that it justifies 
the people in distrusting the republican party as man- 
aged by the "machine, 1 ' and regarding it as in no 



important respect superior to Tammany. This meas- 
ure is bad politics as well as low statesmanship. It 
represents neither the republican party nor public 
opinion in the city or state. It is a bold but clumsy 
effort to use the legislature as an instrument of a 
politically degraded organization. 

The people are honest ; they believe in and desire 
clean politics, honest administration and a high stand- 
ard of public life. They have no part in or sympathy 
with the methods of Tammany or the republican or- 
ganization ; they are the patient and discouraged vic- 
tims of both. The people are honestly, anxiously, but 
doubtfully waiting for some method of emancipation 
from the dishonorable despotism thus exercised in the 
name of democracy. There is no hope of accomplish- 
ing any real reform in this direction by placing arbi- 
trary power in the hands of any segregated political 
authority. The virtue of the nation is in the people. 
They furnish the moral fibre, conscience and integrity 
of our public life. Any reform, therefore, which shall 
impart cleanliness and virtue to our politics and public 
life must proceed by placing the government and re- 
sponsibility for honest and competent administration in 
more direct touch with the people. 

The road to home rule and direct responsibility of 
public officials is not in substituting governor for mayor 
but in making the mayor and the mayor alone responsible 
to the people for all municipal appointments and giving 
him the power of prompt removal. Then, if he act 
not the cause of his inaction will be obvious, the place 
of responsibility easy to locate, and the remedy directly 
in the hands of the people. In order to make this pos- 
sible, however, the people must have the power to act ; 
they must not only have the power to remove a bad 
mayor but they must have power to nominate as well as 
elect a good one. This cannot be secured, and the con- 


trol of the people over the government fully established, 
until the power to dictate nominations is put beyond 
the reach of office-holding " organizations " by substi- 
tuting nomination by petition for the present method 
of party conventions. Let the people once have the 
free and protected right to vote for the nomination of 
public officers as they now have to vote for their elec- 
tion, and the power of the "boss" in politics will be 
gone. Then, and not till then, will the virtue, con- 
science and character of the people be truly repre- 
sented in the government. 


IT is ESPECIALLY unfortunate for Mr. Odell that he 
should have followed Theodore Roosevelt as governor. 
The contrast is painful and emphasizes the fact that Mr. 
Odell's promotion from chairman of the state committee 
to governor was a mistake. He seems desirous of doing 
something striking, and thus far it has been strikingly 
poor. His police bill is a discreditable botch. Instead of 
making Odell a hero it has put Van Wyck in the saddle 
and given Tammany an opportunity to pose as the 
friend of self-government. Governor Odell's much her- 
alded and badly digested tax bills show the same lack 
of statesmanship, and, as if this were not enough, he is 
now credited with urging the revival of last year's 
mortgage-tax bill. If it be really true that he is not an 
instrument of the ' 'organization," some one should 
whisper a little sane advice in his ear. 

MR. BRYAN SEEMS to have the notion that Cuban in- 
dependence means absolute sovereignty. To admit 
that would be to abrogate the Monroe doctrine alto- 
gether. Independence does not necessarily mean abso- 
lute and unqualified sovereignty. Greece is an indpen- 
dent state, but it could not exist an hour but for the 
interference of Europe in its behalf. Nearly all sover- 
eignty is subject to the general peace and interests of 
other nations. When Turkey defeated Greece it was 
not permitted to do what it pleased with the little 
kingdom. When Japan defeated China it was not per- 
mitted to dictate the entire terms of peace. When Rus- 
sia conquered Turkey, with its victorious armies at the 
gates of Constantinople, it was not permitted to dictate 
the terms of peace ; the peace and future of other na- 
tions had to be considered. For the same reason that we 



would not permit Spain endlessly to protract a harrow- 
ing war in Cuba, we should not permit Cuba to invite or 
allow any monarchical power to have possession of the 
island. Cuban independence should mean the freedom 
of Cuba to govern Cuba, but to govern it consistently 
with peaceful relations with the United States. If 
Cuba wants the right to sell the island back to Spain or 
to England or to Russia it should not, and in accordance 
with the Monroe doctrine and the very principle of our 
interference it would not, be permitted so to do. 

IN 1899 the Minnesota legislature passed a law pro- 
viding for nominations by petition in counties having 
200,000 or more inhabitants. The only county in the 
state having the requisite population appears to have 
been the one in which Minneapolis is situated. Last 
fall, therefore, Minneapolis held an election under this 
new primary law. It demonstrated one fact conclu- 
sively : namely, that when the people realize that they 
have a right to vote and that their votes will count and 
not be offset by any coercing conspiracy they will attend 
the primaries with about the same interest that they have 
in voting on election day. In Minneapolis 32,000 people 
attended the primaries and voted for the nomination of 
candidates. This was more than the entire city vote 
cast at the preceding election for governor. The Minne- 
sota law appears to have the defect of not limiting the 
primaries to the previously enrolled members of the re- 
spective parties ; hence they are still exposed to the evil 
of "padded rolls" so prevalent in New York previous to 
the new primary law, which provides that only the en- 
rolled voters of the respective parties shall be permitted 
to vote at a party's primaries. With this exception the 
Minnesota law for nominations by the people appears to 
be a complete success. No time should be lost in pass- 
ing a similar law in New York ; it should be passed be- 


fore the legislature adjourns in order that the people 
may have the benefit of it in the coming municipal elec- 

THE MACON Telegraph does not entirely like our 
criticism of its appeal to the South to adopt political ex- 
clusion, and rises to explain with a column-and-a-half 
editorial which touches the high-water mark of southern 
eloquence. There is always something delightfully 
frank about the southerner. While the Telegraph could 
not relish our remark that its ' 'proposition is provincial- 
ism and not statesmanship" it frankly admits that its 
"impassioned appeal'' was made in a moment of despair. 
That is all right. We all have moments of despair and 
say things that we do not expect will be held against us 
forever. Of course our contemporary could not let the 
occasion go by without delivering a soul-stirring oration 
on the horrors of reconstruction, too much of which is 
painfully true. But it does get in some very wholesome 
characterizations of the Altgelds and Crokers of the 
democratic party and justly draws the line with pride 
between these and the statesmen of whom the South is 
so proud. We do not mind at all the few hard things 
the Telegraph says, so long as it did not really mean to 
be taken seriously on that "political secession" proposi- 
tion. If the South will only encourage its factories to 
adopt the program of the North Carolina manufacturers, 
of shortening the working day and promoting the edu- 
cation of factory children, nothing will stop her from 
fulfiling the Telegraph's prediction that : "In her own 
good time she will become the garden spot and pride of 
the greatest nation of the earth.'' 

"Where wealth accumulates there men decay . . . The prosperity 
of the few means the robbery of the many." GEO. E, McNEiL. 

THIS MIGHT have been expected from a young hot- 
head, an ignorant proletariat, or from an impulsive 


miner or factory operative, but from the first deputy 
chief of the Massachusetts Labor Bureau and "sage of 
the labor movement/' such utterances are unpardonable. 
They are contradicted by all experience. Wealth is 
steadily accumulating in this country and men are not 
decaying but are progressing; men are stronger and 
better and freer now than they ever were before wealth 
began to accumulate. The nation in which wealth does 
not accumulate is a nation of poverty and barbarism. 
Nor is it true that ' 'the prosperity of the few means 
the robbery of the many.'' A broader spirit among the 
employing class might have made a greater proportion of 
the increasing wealth go to the poor, but it is not true 
that their wealth has been acquired by * 'robbing' ' the 
poor. The welfare of the masses has progressed with 
the prosperity of the capitalists. Labor leaders like Mr. 
Gompers, Mr. Maguire and others, who have studied 
the economics of the labor question and attach more im- 
portance to fact than to rhetoric, constantly proclaim 
this. Laborers have no interest in stopping the "accu- 
mulation of wealth" nor in preventing "the prosperity 
of the few, ' ' but have an interest in seeing to it that the 
prosperity which at first comes to the few should be 
rapidly extended to the millions. It is in the nature of all 
progress that the benefits first come to the few and then 
extend to the larger groups until they reach the whole 
community. Empty epigrams may sway a meeting but 
they can never really help a cause. 

THE POPE'S recent encyclical against socialism is 
another evidence of his progressive statesmanship. His 
recognition of the political tendency toward democracy, 
and the economic tendency among the masses for or- 
ganized action in their own interests, gives him the 
right to speak as a friend of society and of civilization, 
not merely for the upper class but for the masses. In 


now encouraging the masses in desiring a more liberal 
participation in the benefits of industrial progress, and 
at the same time defending the rights of property and 
condemning the doctrine of socialism as inequitable, 
unchristian and uneconomic, he has rendered a real 
service to Christendom. 

Rash socialism, which rests primarily upon unen- 
lightened feeling, bolstered by perverted economic 
reasoning, is the most dangerous force with which so- 
ciety will have to deal in the first half of the twentieth 
century. If the great leaders among the capitalists in 
this country and Europe would act with as much in- 
telligence and discrimination as the pope exhibits 
towards the present industrial movement, many of the 
ominous tendencies which threaten society would dis- 
appear. The spirit of socialism is abroad and it cannot 
be stamped out by arrogance and force. It must be led 
by reason, experience and ethics into the light of true 
social progress, upon the principle that the legitimate 
success of any means the improvement of all, and that 
no class can permanently improve its position by in- 
juring that of any other. While it is clear that the 
destruction of capital means the poverty of the masses, 
it is equally manifest that the prosperity and progress 
of the masses is the only sure foundation of permanent 
success for capital. 

IT is MORE than encouraging to learn from Mr. 
Edward H. Sanborn, general manager of the National 
Association of Manufacturers, that the mill owners and 
managers in the South have become alive to the evil of 
child labor and are willing to cooperate in any measure 
to exclude children under twelve years of age from the 
factories, and still further that they are ready to adopt 
the ten-hour working day. To this end, Mr. Sanborn 


says, an agreement has been signed by one hundred 
North Carolina manufacturers, as follows : 

"We, the undersigned, cotton-mill owners and managers, agree to 
the following, taking effect March i, 1901: 

"(i) That one week's work shall not exceed sixty- six hoars. 

" (2) That no children less than twelve years old shall work in a 
cotton mill during the term of an available public school. 

" Provided, this shall not apply to children of widows or physically 
disabled parents; provided further, that ten years shall be the lowest 
limit at which children may be worked under any circumstances. 

" (3) That we will cooperate with any feasible plan to promote the 
education of working people in the state, and will cheerfully submit to 
our part of the burdens and labors to advance the cause of general edu- 

" (4) On the basis of the above agreements of the cotton-mill 
owners and managers, we hereby petition the legislature not to pass any 
labor laws at this session of the legislature." 

This is the most remarkable thing of its kind that 
ever occurred. Individual employers have voluntarily 
reduced the hours of labor and otherwise improved the 
conditions of their laborers, but never before did manu- 
facturers organize to bring about a general shortening 
of the hours of labor, restriction of the employment of 
children, and compulsory education for working chil- 
dren. If the above be true, to the manufacturers of 
North Carolina belongs the honor of initiating such a 
wise and beneficent policy among employers. It is 
rather natural that the people of the South should be 
opposed to restricting the hours of labor by law, because 
by tradition and education they are opposed to state in- 
terference. The only way to prevent such legislation 
is for manufacturers throughout the South to adopt 
the program of their North Carolina brethren. It is 
not important to laborers which way the shorter day 
comes ; it is only important that it come. In proposing 
voluntarily to adopt a ten-hour system, North Carolina 
manufacturers are taking the position of the real leaders 
of social progress in the South. 



One immediate effect of a protracted and vital war- 
fare in any country, no matter how just the contest, 
how sublime the principle in which it originates, is 
to bring upon the stage of national action a tumultuous, 
often a lawless generation. This could scarcely be 
otherwise in Cuba, where through half a century the 
savage fire of one struggle for freedom has only died 
away to let another flash up from the embers. 

Barely thirteen months and a few days had elapsed 
since Havana's joyous demonstrations on the hauling 
down of Castile's royal colors to make way for the re- 
publican stars and stripes on the ramparts of old Morro 
and the governor general's palace when an unexpected 
scene at the Albisu Theatre startled, angered, and 
momentarily embittered hundreds of Americans, both 
resident and visiting in that city. Pit, boxes, and gal- 
leries were crowded, and, the play being pleasing, the 
audience was good-humored. At the close there was a 
spectacular finale, and the flags of many nations were 
run up seriatim, to be received with cheers and ap- 
plause. Each one met its bravas and hand- clappings 
without counter demonstration until the beautiful sym- 
bol of our republic made its appearance. The Ameri- 
cans cheered and clapped loudly, a few Cubans joined 
them without warmth, but above all sounded a spon- 
taneous outburst of hisses, in which boxes kept gal- 
leries company while the pit outvied both. 

"Cowards and traitors" the Americans cried. But 
is it so? Do the many incidents of this and similar 



kind daily recorded, some more trifling, some apparent- 
ly more momentous, go to prove that the Cuban nation 
hates our flag and our people as mean spirits often hate 
their benefactors? Certainly this sort of proof cannot 
weigh with thoughtful minds. 

But two things clearly indicated by these and kin- 
dred demonstrations are, first, that long strife in the 
island- country has fomented turbulence and pushed it 
to the front; second, that four centuries of unkind treat- 
ment and unfair dealing on the part of Spain towards 
this child of hers have of necessity bred a suspicion 
difficult for any guardian to allay, a distrust lasting as 
her wardship towards all purposes that cannot be marked 
out by definite time and method limits. Both these re- 
sults we should put ourselves in the attitude of compre- 
hending, since each constitutes an element of value in 
the solution of the educational problem which the Unit- 
ed States government now finds itself ethically bound 
to work out in Cuba. 

It must be assumed that no man of righteous 
decisions will deny the existence of our responsi- 
bility towards the next generation of Cubans and 
this implies our responsibility towards all Cubans 
of the future in the matter of their education, 
mental, moral, civic, spiritual. The present paper 
is not written to set forth an argument leading up 
to a point already so well established, but rather to 
give a short exposition of what has been accomplished 
in the discharge of this responsibility during the time 
intervening since the ratification of the Spanish treaty. 

In order to comprehend clearly what has been done 
one must understand first what material there was to 
work with and how it had been affected by antecedent 

The educational system instituted and conducted 
in Cuba by Spain was far from being a thing that any 


mother country could be proud of or any colony grow 
strong and intelligent under. If one looks at it closely 
he needs but little additional help from his knowledge 
of the oppressive taxes imposed upon the island, the 
revenues tyrannically extorted, the inadequate and un- 
righteous judiciary it suffered from, the false priesthood 
that added to the sum of licentiousness instead of holy 
living, in order to trace unmistakeably the paths by 
which this people have arrived at the present low plane 
of productive industry, domestic and civic virtue, in- 
tellectual stamina, and spiritual striving. He can no 
more be surprised that 72 per cent, of the islanders can- 
not read or write than he is surprised at the statistics 
of illegitimacy among them, or the ominous prevalence 
of miscegenation, or the boasted fact that the most ad- 
mired tacos or "swells" of Havana have attained su- 
premacy through their fame as duelists, gamblers, 
and roues. In fact, he is more inclined to be astonish- 
ed that 28 per cent, can read and write, as he is at first 
moved to pleasant wonder that the island has bred 
some illustrious patriots, and that there are homes in Ha- 
vana, Matanzas, indeed scattered all over Cuba, which 
shelter virtue, love and unselfishness equal to any in 
earth's more favored spots. 

Von Humboldt's famous educational proposition 
is not more true than its converse ; for whatever is in- 
troduced into the schools of a people will surely be 
wrought into the intrinsic fabric of that people's nation- 
al existence. Look at the only schools Cuba has known 
in the three hundred and ninety-nine years that have 
dragged over her since the planting of her first colony, 
and see if they were such institutions as would foster 
courage and honor and truth, industry, temperance, 
virtue, strenuous moral purposes. 

For the girls belonging to the classes that are sup- 
posed to have educational needs, there have always 


been conventual schools. In these the future women of 
the nation were shaped by nuns and priests of two 
classes: those who knew nothing of the world, and 
those who knew nothing of the world saving its wicked- 
ness, to the sum total of which they often contributed 
incalculably. Yet, upon women whose hearts, char- 
acters and intellects were molded by the unnatural 
forces pent up within these convent walls, has develop- 
ed for ages the part of rearing those who were to con- 
stitute the chief body of citizens of the island. 

The boys of the upper classes have had some advan- 
tages over their sisters. The provincial institutions 
have offered fair training for their minds, and Havana 
University has opened its doors to some 1,400 of them 
annually. There was no savor of anything Cuban in 
these institutions: everything was Spanish; all teach- 
ing tended towards the ultimate end of setting Spain 
upon the pinnacle of the world. 

Thus much for the more fortunate classes, which 
include in their ranks comparatively few genuine Cu- 
bans, being largely filled with the peninsular and 
insular Spanish. But what of "the masses, " which 
means here the people themselves? 

No need to say that for centuries there was noth- 
ing in the way of education set within their reach. But 
when the spread of intelligence, the general diffusion 
of knowledge and rapid establishment of schools in 
other countries had forced hard taskmasters to do 
something here, a weak and false system of public 
institutions was tardily built up. A review of this 
would scarcely prove profitable for the general reading 
public. It is sufficient to state that Cuban municipali- 
ties paid extravagantly for the maintenance of the 
system, but Spanish school inspectors and boards, 
Spanish commissioners of education, superintendents, 
and frequently teachers held all the power and dictated 


every item down to the minutest in organization, man- 
agement, employment of funds, courses of study, 
standards of scholarship and discipline. 

By Spain's Cuban census of 1887, which gave the 
island a population of 1,631,687, there were 775 public 
schools in operation. This may or may not be trust- 
worthy. At any rate, in 1890, when the most authori- 
tative educational statistics of the world showed that 
23 per cent, of the people of the United States were 
attending school, by the same showing there were only 
3^ per cent, of Cuba's population engaged likewise. 
Yet a lower point was still to be touched, for an offi- 
cial statement promulgated some time before our 
occupation of Cuba announced that only 449 public 
schools were in operation in the whole island, and it is 
undoubtedly true that most of those were but semblances 
of schools. Only 4,000 children were in these schools. 
The instruction given under this system was as inade- 
quate and unsatisfactory as could be expected from 
such conditions. An investigation of it will reward 
the student who is seeking to locate the most fatal germ 
of Spain's decay. 

Turning from such a view with the solemnity upon 
us which it necessarily engenders, we are likely to ask 
ourselves very sternly if we have done as much better 
as the conditions and capabilities involved make it meet 
we should do. We assumed this responsibility with 
eyes wide open, senses awake to its gravity, mind 
measuring its far-reachingness. If we have met it 
weakly, if we are discharging it ineffectually, if we 
have failed to give Cuba a system of schools or, more, 
an adequate system of good schools if we are neglect- 
ing to infuse into those schools the eternal principles 
which we claim it is our desire to see the national life 
of the Cubans imbued with, then the shame is undying, 
the stain upon our national honor ineffaceable. 


It will be remembered that the United States took 
formal possession of the Cuban forts and government 
buildings on January ist, 1899. But the final ratifica- 
tion of the treaty with Spain was not accomplished until 
April nth following our occupation. In the chaotic 
state in which matters financial, industrial, municipal, 
national and individual were found, it was impossible 
to institute any school reform before the summer holi- 
days were on. In truth, those first few months were 
quite full enough with dispensing daily bread to 150,- 
ooo starvelings whose wretched bodies demanded the 
earliest care. When September came, the Americans 
in authority were not unmindful of the schooldays so 
full of meaning and import ; they did not fail to grasp 
the fact that a generation could slip from neglected 
childhood into illiterate and probably criminal manhood 
and womanhood in the brief time required to adjust a 
few urgent questions of government and finance. 

Mr. Alexis E. Frye, a man of experience in the 
educational world and possessing standards as high as 
his ability is great, accepted the difficult position of 
superintendent of the schools of Cuba, and set himself 
to his arduous task with the zeal and efficiency marking 
men of his stamp. Yet so great were the obstacles to 
be surmounted, especially that constituted by the lack 
of available revenues, that in spite of heroic endeavors 
December had come, and the eighth month of our com- 
plete occupation of the Great Antille and control of its 
resources was drawing to a close, before the military 
governor was able to promulgate a decree for the reor- 
ganization of the "elementary and superior schools in 
the island of Cuba, " and educational regeneration began 
to leaven a nation. 

The little pamphlet whose authorship Professor 
Frye can claim, and whose two dozen pages of English 
and Spanish embody a system destined to shape in 


great measure the future fate of the island-nation, is a 
potential document. The historian and the prophet of 
education will each grasp it eagerly, finding it rich in 
significance to their respective provinces. It bears the 
date December 6, 1899, and presents in the clearest and 
simplest form the plan upon which public schools were 
to be provided for, organized and opened, without 
delay throughout the length and breadth of inhabited 
Cuba. So effective did this plan prove, so strong and 
sound was its conception, and its execution so unfalter- 
ing, that within two months from the date of its publi- 
cation I found 2,024 schools opened and in successful 
operation in Cuba, gathering to their shelter 100,000 
children ranging from six to fourteen years of age. A 
startling proportion of these had never seen the inside 
of a schoolroom before. 

The good work moved swiftly forward, and another 
month swelled those figures amazingly. A letter from 
Professor Frye, dated March 14, 1900, says: "Up to 
the present time there are 3,025 public schools in the 
island, with over 125,000 children. The growth of the 
schools has been so rapid and the expense so great that 
the government has issued an order postponing the 
opening of more schools. Otherwise, I think the en- 
thusiasm of the start would have carried our numbers 
up to 4,000 schools with nearly 200,000 children by 
next June." 

Since that time, however, the number of pupils 
has increased to almost 150,000, and the government, 
conquering financial difficulties, is setting on foot prep- 
arations for opening during the present scholastic year 
many more schools as conditions may require. 

Thus much for numbers. The system itself next 
calls for our consideration. 

It is doubtful if another country can be pointed out 
in which so much has ever been demanded of a new 


educational system as in this little ex-colony of Spain's, 
now standing unique in the world of nations, being 
neither bond nor scarcely free. Its system of schools 
must spring full grown after the briefest prenatal life ; 
this system must be adequate, it must be elastic, capa- 
ble of marvelous expansion. It must satisfy the wide- 
mouthed needs of the immediate present, yet remain 
competent to answer fully to the larger ones of the 
future. In homely metaphor, it must fit the infant 
nation to-day and still be a dignified and graceful garb 
for the adult to-morrow. No time could be spared to 
the experimental processes, the gradual evolution, the 
building of new beauty upon old ruins, which other 
countries, awakening early and starting with the first 
germs of scholastic systems, have been able to follow 
out. An unschooled people was to be endowed at once 
with the educational resources and appliances, the 
requisites, even the possibilities, which in our own 
country as in Germany or England have been hardly 
won through centuries of endeavor, failure, and sterner 
new endeavor. 

One who comprehends the singular case and meas- 
ures well the difficulties of the task will not be slow to 
find the points of strength in the system which this 
little pamphlet so modestly but ably sets forth. Com- 
pulsory attendance of pupils will perhaps strike him 
first ; and, ascertaining that all children between the 
ages of six and fourteen years inclusive must attend 
school, public or private, provided that public schools 
are accessible, for not less than thirty weeks in each 
scholastic year, he recognizes the imperative necessity 
to which such a measure answers among a people igno- 
rant of the value of education and rendered suspicious 
by their past of all government benefactions showing 
no immediate material advantages. 

To have provided free schools, however adequate 


and excellent, and left attendance voluntary, would 
have been to leave our educational responsibility in 
Cuba unmet. The compulsory attendance measure is 
enforced by suitable fines imposed upon parents and 
guardians, and is relieved of hardship by proper pro- 
visions to meet the case of children physically or men- 
tally defective, and also of those having widowed 
mothers depending wholly upon them for support. A 
liberal clause follows it providing for the granting of 
permission by boards of education to young men and 
women over fourteen years of age to attend the public 
schools, either elementary or superior, though it does 
not need to be said that such attendance is not to be 

Schools are provided in proportion to the popula- 
tion, each municipality having clearly defined districts ; 
and, when the plan is fully consummated, as we have 
good reason to conclude it will be in the course of a 
very short time, every Cuban city or town of over 1500 
inhabitants will have at least one public school for boys 
and another of equal grade for girls, or, if the board of 
education so please, a single school open to both sexes. 
As many more schools, complete and incomplete, will 
be distributed over the municipality as the board shall 
deem necessary. 

The sanitation of school buildings and premises, 
as well as the healthfulness of locations chosen, is 
much emphasized, while the monthly lectures to teach- 
ers stress such points as the daily and hourly guidance 
of pupils into ways of cleanliness, tidiness, and mod- 
esty ; and it will not be denied that these lessons are 
more needed by the islanders now than even spelling, 
arithmetic and civil government. 

The public-school sessions, under the present order, 
are of some ten months' duration. They open on the 
second Monday of September, and, with vacations dur- 


ing Christmas and Holy week, in addition to such other 
legal holidays as may from time to time be appointed, 
continue until the last Friday in June. 

The subjects of study in the elementary schools 
embrace very thorough and well-conducted courses in 
reading, writing, arithmetic, geography, history, hy- 
giene, music, drawing, nature studies, and languages. 
The last named is to include Spanish and English, but 
up to the present moment very little has been accom- 
plished in the teaching of English because of the un- 
reasonable expense involved in securing teachers. 
However, the normal schools which are being rapidly 
established, and the summer courses which Professor 
Frye is taking care to provide for the teachers already 
employed, will shortly supply this deficiency. The 
course of study in the superior or high schools is yet to 
be marked out definitely. The time is scarcely ripe 
for their organization upon a new basis, and the old 
provincial institutions can very well continue to supply 
their places for some sessions to come. 

Salaries of teachers range on as liberal a scale as 
the cramped condition of finances will warrant for the 
present. Beginning with $30 per month to assistants, 
they reach $60 and even $75 to regular teachers, with 
$10 additional for all who perform the extra duties of 
principals. Women receive equal pay with men for 
similar service, and they alone are to be employed in 
schools for girls, while either women or men may teach 
in the male schools. With a wise and generous fore- 
thought it has been arranged that for some time to 
come these salaries are to continue during vacations as 
well as actual school sessions, for the purpose that the 
teachers shall employ these vacations in attendance up- 
on normal classes, teachers' meetings, or in following 
other courses of instruction prescribed for them by the 
superintendent of schools in Cuba. The attendance of 


the large body of Cuban teachers on the Harvard sum- 
mer school last year must be regarded as a gratifying 
result of so excellent a measure. 

Another evidence of discreet liberality not to be 
overlooked is the free distribution of text-books and all 
minor supplies. The teachers are made responsible 
for the care and safe-keeping of this necessary equip- 

It will be asked how the heavy expenditures in- 
volved in conducting such a system of schools are to be 
met by the impoverished municipalities of the island. 
Another instance of the happy elasticity required in the 
general scheme is shown here: "Until otherwise de- 
creed, the department of finance of the island of Cuba" 
is to provide the necessary funds, all extravagance be- 
ing guarded against by distinct stipulations. 

The main points have now been gone over. Minor 
ones must be left to individual students of the unique 
conditions. Few will be found who would arraign the 
United States for failure in any portion of this solemn 
duty up to the present hour. Without claiming public 
credit for what private charity and religious societies 
from our states have already accomplished for the Cu- 
bans in an educational way ; with but a glance towards 
the new agricultural schools and training "homes" es- 
tablished by such philanthropic organizations as the 
"Cuban Orphan Society" of New York ; with a bare 
allusion to the Compostela School and many other in- 
dustrial and technical institutions created and working 
towards success through government sanction and 
assistance ; with scarcely a claim as yet for what has 
been done for civic education by the judiciary and state 
reform process instituted, we must stand before the 
world and be judged in regard to our discharge of this 
peculiar educational responsibility, 

We have not hoped to convert these islanders into 


a people of Anglo-Saxon habitudes, forms, and ideals. 
Their traditions are against success in such an attempt, 
and their temperaments are with their traditions. Ar- 
dent and pleasure-loving, with the inconsequent gayety 
of the negro and the passionate love and hate of the 
Indian grafted upon the arrogance, the sentiment, 
bigotry, and shifting moral purposes of the Latin, 
their natures would mock such endeavor. But we con- 
scientiously believe our intentions toward the Cubans 
to be reasonable and attainable as well as unselfish. 
Fortified by this conviction, we are unafraid to invite 
the world's scrutiny of our educational processes in the 
island-country for whose welfare in matters spiritual 
our responsibility cannot end when we are done with 
our brief guardianship in matters temporal. 


The Essential Efforts to interest wage-earning people 
Thing in Popular in educational lectures or regular studies 
Lectures a re frequently failures, but usually the 

cause is not lack of interest on the part of the people. 
More often by far it is due to the failure to give the peo- 
ple what they can enjoy, assimilate, and make useful 
to themselves. The free public-lecture system just or- 
ganized in Brooklyn borough, New York city, in con- 
nection with the public-school system, is being con- 
ducted with proper recognition of this fact, fortunately ; 
and as a result the attendance of 4,000 at the first week's 
lectures rose to 8,000 the second week. From the 
standpoint of the scholar the amount of information 
offered is rather meager, and there is a surplus of stories 
and pleasantries, but where the saloon is one of the 
chief counter attractions something must be provided 
which will really interest the weary shop-toilers and 
housekeepers which such lectures are intended to reach. 
A few suggestive and practical facts, presented in an 
attractive manner, will be remembered and exert a 
stimulating influence, while information that exceeds 
the conscious needs of the people will find no lodgment 
and serve no helpful purpose. 

Everybody who attended the recent pub- 

A Continuous 1 r ^-u A -L 

Cfimc lie hearings of the tenement-house com- 

mission in New York city was made to 
realize how full of present alarming significance the 
situation is. As ministers, doctors, nurses, teachers, 
missionaries and settlement workers came before the 
commission with their matter-of-fact accounts of filth, 



want, disease and crime, it was difficult to realize that 
there could be anything 1 more than grim irony in the 
assurance we get from time to time that conditions are 
really "better than they used to be." The most dis- 
piriting feature of the situation is the fact that there is 
already a law against nearly every kind of tenement- 
house evils and abuses that are still reported as rampant. 
Even in the construction of new buildings this holds 
true ; the experts appointed by the commission to ex- 
amine new tenements reported that out of 333 such 
buildings examined 318 contained violations of the law. 
The amazing fact also came out that, out of nearly 1 1 , - 
ooo reports of violations of the building laws sent to 
buildings department in a year, only four were follow- 
ed up to the point of imposing a penalty upon the vio- 
lator. As a sidelight on Tammany Hall's numerous 
subterranean sources of revenue, the practice of buy- 
ing exemption from the imposition of penalties for 
violations of the building laws would be an interest- 
ing study in itself. The case is sufficiently clear, in 
the light of this outrageous 4-out-of-n,ooo showing. 
Officials paid by the city to enforce the laws are the 
very ones who connive at and profit by its violation. 
The miserable denizens of sweatshops ( not suppressed ) 
and vile tenements (not brought under the law), 
victims of tuberculosis (not protected against ), and of 
flagrant immorality ( not restricted ) in all the surround- 
ing environment, are the ones who suffer by this abomi- 
nable system of organized official rascality. The situa- 
tion is a continuous crime, but there is one possible 
contingency that would be an even greater crime, 
namely : failure on the part of the decent elements in 
New York city to get together and politically annihi- 
late this cabal of unscrupulous freebooters, beyond hope 
of resurrection. 


Labor and Principal Booker T. Washington's article 

the Race published in this number is gratifying by 

Problem reason of the possibilities it indicates, in the 

way of negro advancement through the disciplining and 
stimulating influence of industrial education. Of course, 
to regard the case of "The Negro in Business" from 
Mr. Washington's standpoint, without duly remembering 
that the overwhelming mass of the colored race is still 
sunk in ignorance, poverty and degradation, would be 
to cherish a monumental illusion as to the real status of 
the whole problem. Because success crowns the efforts 
of a few brave, able and devoted men, we ought not to 
delude ourselves with the pleasing notion that they are 
doing all that is necessary and are able single-handed 
to elevate the black race to self-respecting, industrious, 
independent citizenship. One swallow does not make 
a summer, nor one oasis fertilize a desert. 

Mr. Washington's labors are most admirable in 
purpose, encouraging in results, great in possibilities 
and full of genuine promise ; but his task would be al- 
most hopeless if there were not other forces at work in 
many quarters tending toward the same ends. He is 
with the flow of the tide, not the ebb ; and by reason 
of this his efforts have a promise of success that would 
not exist if the solution of the race problem depended 
wholly on what such institutions as Tuskegee can do. 

The entrance of the modern factory system and la- 
bor organization into the South is one of the strongest 
forces that may be expected, in cooperation with efforts 
like Mr. Washington's, to bring about the slow eleva- 
tion of this unfortunate race. The community of in- 
terest developed through organized labor is already 
striking heavy blows at the dead-line of color prejudice 
which bars the negro's industrial advance in the South. 
For example, at the convention of the American Fed- 


eration of Labor last December, in Louisville, Presi- 
dent Gompers made this declaration : 

"Realizing the necessity for the unity of the wage-earners of our 
country, the American Federation of Labor has upon all occasions de- 
clared that trades unions should open their portals to all wage -workers, 
irrespective of creed, color, nationality, or politics. In making the 
declaration we have, we do not necessarily proclaim that the social bar- 
riers existing between the whites and blacks could or should be felled with 
one stroke of the pen ; but when white and black workers are compelled 
to work si-de by side under the same adverse circumstances and under 
equally unfair conditions, it seen, s an anomaly that we should refuse to 
accord the right of an organization to workers because of a difference in 

their color." 

This frank statement only confirms in another way 

what we have often said in these pages, that the solu- 
tion of the race problem in the South will come, when 
it does come, through the forces and influences center- 
ing around industrial life, rather than by sentimental 
oratory or arbitrary legislation or even by common- 
school education. When white men and colored men 
can be brought to work in harmony and close cooper- 
ation, because of a real community of interests ; when 
conditions are such that they must stand or fall together 
with respect to the most vital problem of all the get- 
ting of a living the lesser considerations of prejudice, 
animosity and distrust will disappear. This point 
reached, recognition of the broad equality of human 
rights will extend out from the industrial into other de- 
partments of life. Social intermingling may never 
come, but there will be mutual respect, and the social 
segregation will be for the same kind of natural reasons 
that already separate white people into innumerable 
social groups ; it will no longer be due to any brutal 
classification of the colored race as an inferior order of 
beings just because their turn to rise out of savagery 
came a little later in history than our own. 


This department belongs to our readers, and offers them full oppor- 
tunity to "talk back" to the editor, give information, discuss topics or 
ask questions on subjects within the field covered by GUNTON'S MAGA- 
ZINE. All communications, whether letters for publication or inquiries 
for the ' Question Box," must be accompanied by the full name and ad- 
dress of the writer. This is not required for publication, if the writer 
objects, but as evidence of good faith. Anonymous correspondents are 


Sound Economics in a Great Labor Organization 


Dear Sir: I have noted with considerable satis- 
faction the attention you have been giving to the 
progress of the labor movement, for I am fully aware 
that your publication will reach many persons who 
have very little idea of what the labor movement, rep- 
resented by labor organization, really means. 

The Railroad Trainmen s Journal for December and 
January gives briefly something of what has been done 
in the past year by the Brotherhood of Railroad Train- 
men, and I take the liberty of sending you marked 
copies, thinking the statements might be of interest to 

If at any time you care to know anything of our 
plan of organization, its insurance and protective fea- 
tures, etc., I will be pleased to furnish you with any 
information pertaining to the Brotherhood you may 
desire, for our business is an open book and we feel 
that it will be to our advantage to have the public un- 
derstand what our organization really means and how 
far into practice it has carried its theories. 



I will also take this opportunity to use from time 
to time articles that appear in your Magazine, giving 
you due credit and promising to not abuse the privi- 
lege. You have many thoughts ^that come from an ap- 
parently unbiased source, and there is much in your 
publication that I would be more than glad to have the 
members of our organization read. Our greatest am- 
bition is to educate them along the exact lines as laid 
down in your " Prosperity and Education." We ap- 
preciate the fact that labor can make mistakes and 
overreach as easily as capital can, and we use our 
every endeavor to educate them along the lines of real 
social and economic truth. That we make slow prog- 
ress is not to be wondered, when everything is taken 
into consideration, but that we are progressing stands 
in evidence. Your publication stands between capital 
and labor and I feel makes every effort to be fair to 
both, something that cannot in justice always be said 
of the publications of both capital and labor. The 
tendency to judge by immediate necessities and preju- 
dices, generally born in a lack of knowledge of true 
conditions, is responsible for a great deal of the trouble 
that we hear so much of between the two classes. If 
we knew more of each other we would profit, I am 
sure of it. 

D. L. CEASE, Editor Railroad Trainmen s Jour- 
nal, Cleveland, Ohio. 


Corruption versus Education 


Dear Sir: I have read with much interest one of 
Professor Gunton's recent lectures on the need of more 
education on economic subjects, for the sake of political 
safety. He seemed to imply that the last two elec- 
tions had to be won by the corrupt use of money, but 
it seems to me the masses are more intelligent than he 
gives them credit for. They have buried Bryanism 
twice, and the last time worse then the first. P. N. J. 

The implication intended in the lecture referred to 
was that more or less use of money had been regularly 
relied upon in our elections. Undoubtedly it was used 
to some extent in 1896, but it was used very much less 
in the last election. Nor does this imply that we do not 
give the masses credit for intelligence. The American 
people are the most intelligent of any on the face of the 
earth, but they are not educated on economic questions 
to anything like the extent that our highly sensitive 
and complex conditions require. In 1892 the appeal to 
the anti-capital sentiment succeeded in inducing the 
masses to vote for the the overthrow of our national in- 
dustrial policy, chiefly as a punishment to capital. 
That appeal to class prejudice, it is fair to say, laid the 
foundation for much of the ill-feeling which now exists, 
but the withering effect of the 1892 election was so 
swift and fierce that the people realized their mistake. 
The punishment lasted down until 1896, when the ef- 
fect of hard times led a very large number to accept 
Bryan's debased-money doctrine. That questionable use 
of money was resorted to in that election will not seri- 
ously be disputed. The case was desperate and the 



methods used were equally so, but in the election of 
1900 there was very little of this. Yet the result showed 
that more than six million voters still cling to the 
cheap-money and populistic theories represented by 
Bryan. The one thing which more than all else pre- 
vented a still larger number from supporting Bryan's 
theories was the temporary fact that their dinner-pails 
were full. They were living in a period of great pros- 
perity and had not altogether forgotten the experiment 
of '92. But, let a national election come in the midst 
of industrial depression and we shall see the effect of 
revolutionary doctrines and the general economic mis- 
information or lack of sound education among the 
masses. From such a castastrophe only a broader edu- 
cational movement on permanent and systematic lines 
can save us. 

The Giant Steel Combination 


Dear Sir: What do you think of this billion- 
dollar steel combination? You have been telling us 
that the limit of " trust" organization was nearly 
reached, but this does not look like it. What pro- 
tection is the consumer to have when the whole steel 
industry of the country is united in one concern? 

M. P. A. 

It is difficult to tell exactly what will be the out- 
come of this billion-dollar combination. The very 
statement makes one dizzy. There is surely a limit to 
the extent to which economy can be secured by in- 
creasing the size of industrial organization. In this 
direction as in all others there is a limit which econo- 
mists call the point ot diminishing returns ; that is to 
say, a point where the waste from unwieldiness more 
than equals the economy from aggregation. When this 

i 9 oi.] QUESTION BOX 275 

point is reached there is nothing further for capitalists 
to gain by combination except it be in the hope of 
securing a monopoly and then arbitrarily increasing 
prices. Whether this billion-dollar steel combination 
has reached the point of diminishing returns can only 
be determined by experience. If such be the case, and 
the promoters of the scheme hope to secure a monopoly 
for the purpose of raising the price to the consumers, 
they are surely making a fatal mistake, a mistake that 
may bring cyclonic disaster. 

The consumer, for whom our correspondent is 
concerned, is in very little danger in this direction 
provided the government will see to it that the gates of 
potential competition are kept well ajar. In the first 
place, if the combination does not really give any 
economy in production it cannot keep out competitors, 
because at the present basis of cost there are many 
small concerns that can keep in business at fair profits. 
If it attempts to reap a harvest by putting up the price 
on the strength of having a practical monopoly, then 
new enterprises will at once come into existence be- 
cause of the largeness of the margin. If in this effort 
it should put the price materially above the price 
abroad, the people will promptly demand the removal 
of all protection and thus let in the full force of 
foreign competition. So that, in reality, there is no 
great danger to the consumer, since there are at least 
three potent forces that stand ready to go to his assist- 
ance, but there is great danger to the investors in this 
colossal scheme if it is not based on a sound economic 

Socialistic Taxation 


Dear Sir : Governor Odell may be aiming to sim- 
plify taxation, but what justice is there in abolishing 


the state general property tax and putting the whole 
burden on a few special corporate interests? Is not 
this, in effect at least, adopting the principle of sliding- 
scale progressive taxation, making the burden heavier, 
not only actually but relatively, for large property than 
for small? S. P. 

In his scheme of taxation Governor Odell appears 
to be trying to accomplish what was aimed at in the 
mortgage-tax bill of last year: namely, to separate 
state from local taxation, but he is evidently sur- 
rounded by some poor advisers. He appears not to 
have very closely considered the effects of his taxing 
scheme, or else he is entering upon a reckless policy to 
tax corporations for the purpose of popular applause, 
especially among those who know the least about the 
incidence of taxes. 

For instance, the tax on the surplus of the savings- 
banks is a direct blow at the security of savings-banks. 
The surplus is carried with the view of making the 
savings-bank safe against emergency, but if that sur- 
plus is to be made the special object of taxation it will 
naturally have the effect of making savings-banks 
carry as small a surplus as possible, and thus weaken 
the security of the millions of small depositors. 

The special tax on the capital stock of corporations 
proposed by this bill is no less extraordinary. It would 
amount to a tax in some cases of from fifteen to twenty- 
five per cent, of the income from investments. The 
purpose of the law, as announced, is to lift the burden 
from real estate and put it upon personal property, 
which is the very worst kind of "reform " in taxation 
that could be undertaken. If we are to have any 
change in the principle of taxation and there is indeed 
plenty of need of it it should be in the opposite 
direction. It is agreed by all investigators a 

i90i.] QUESTION BOX 277 

students of taxation that a personal tax is the worst 
method of collecting public revenues. The tendency 
of tax reform should be to simplify taxation, but sim- 
plify it in the direction of levying taxes upon property 
which cannot be concealed or seriously misrepresented. 
There are many ways of separating state from city 
taxes without having recourse to the demagogic method 
of j levying special taxes on corporations in order to 
secure the applause of the socialistic sentiment against 
wealth. One of the numerous proposals already sug- 
gested is to levy a tax, exclusively for state purposes, 
on cities, counties, etc., in proportion to the aggregate 
amount of their own revenue collected. This would be 
simple, it would be separate, and it would make every 
taxing body in the state contribute to the expenses of 
the state in proportion as they collected for local pur- 
poses. This may not be a very scientific proposition, 
but it is far better than any of the schemes for singling 
out special interests for exceptional taxation. 

New York Labor Laws 


DEAR SIR: Will you please tell us what is the 
New York law as to hours of labor? What is a legal 
day's work? C. H. D. 

The New York law on the hours of labor, amended 
in 1899, in reference to the employment of women, and 
minors under the age of 18, is that no such person shall 
be employed more than ten hours a day or more than 
sixty hours a week. If employed more than ten hours 
in any one day it must be offset by a shorter day during 
the same week. This permits the working of ten and 
a half or eleven hours, so as to have a shorter day on 
Saturday ; but even in this arrangement the working 
time must not begin before six in the morning nor con- 


tinue after nine in the evening, in any day. This act 
came into force April ist, 1899, anc ^ * s enforced by 
penalties for its violation, of fine or imprisonment or 

The last act on the subject of a legal day's work 
was also passed in 1899, and provides that : "Eight 
hours shall constitute a legal day's work for all classes of 
employees in this state, except those engaged in farm 
and domestic service, unless otherwise provided by 

The intention of this act was to make eight hours 
the standard for a day's work in the absence of any 
special contract, so that, if a person is engaged to work 
without any special arrangement, eight hours will count 
as a day's work, and any additional hours in the same 
day will count as overtime and can be collected for in 
addition. But the court has interpreted this to mean 
exactly the reverse : namely, that it gives the laborer a 
legal right to contract that his day's work shall be only 
eight hours, but if he works without special contract all 
the work he performs within a calendar day is included 
in the day's work. This decision is an obvious wrench- 
ing of the plain meaning. It is little short of silly, 
since anybody, regardless of this or any other statute, 
has a right to make a contract that his hours of labor 
shall be any number the parties may agree upon. It 
needs no law to enable an American citizen to agree to 
work two hours a day if his employer will consent. 
The obvious intention of the law was to give a legal 
presumption in favor of the eight-hour-day and make a 
special contract necessary for a longer day. Courts are 
sometimes very mortal. 


Hobson. Cloth, 361 pages, $1.25. No index. The 
Macmillan Company. 

This is one of the very excellently written books 
in the "Citizen's Library" series, edited by Professor 
Ely. Like everything Mr. Hobson writes, the present 
volume shows evidence of close application not merely 
to economic literature but to economic principles. The 
author undertakes to present a close discussion of the 
theory of economic distribution, and one of the special 
claims to originality he puts forth is that he has discov- 
ered a "fundamentally erroneous" element in the 
doctrine that ' ' rent does not enter into the expenses of 

As the author announces in the preface, the book 
is chiefly made up of lectures previously delivered and 
articles published in current periodicals. In reality, 
Mr. Hobson began his discussion of this subject in an 
article in the Quarterly Journal of Economics for April, 
1891, on "The Law of the Three Rents." The pur- 
pose of that article was to reduce the income from 
labor, land and capital all to forms of rent ; interest and 
profits as the rent of capital, wages as the rent of labor, 
and the income from land as the rent of land ; the rea- 
son for calling each kind of income by the same name 
being that they are of the same economic character, 
defined and determined by the same economic law. 

The present book is somewhat of a further elabora- 
tion of this idea. In the opening paragraph of the 
article on "The Law of the Three Rents," Mr. Hobson 



said: "The law of rent is perhaps only a law in the 
sense that it provides an exceedingly convenient rule 
of measurement for fluctuations in the value of land. 
It is strange that writers like General Walker and Mr. 
Gunton, who have rigidly applied this law to profits, 
should have failed to see that it is equally applicable to 
to the other participants of the net product." 

The position that "General Walker and Mr. Gun- 
ton " have taken in regard to profits is that the marginal 
capital in any given industry in the same competing 
market works without profit, and that the profit of com- 
peting capital is determined by the degree to which it 
can produce more cheaply than the marginal or least 
productive capital in use. This principle was rigidly 
applied by both these writers to land and by Mr. Gun- 
ton to interest also. Instead of Mr. Hobson applying 
this principle to all the factors as here suggested, he 
objects that it even apply to land. 

The essence of this doctrine is that the surplus 
income in the form of interest, profits and rents does 
not enter into price. The special contribution Mr. 
Hobson claims to have made is that even rent enters 
into price. This is such a definite challenge to the 
most generally accepted doctrine in economics that one 
eagerly turns to his discussion of this topic. 

An examination of his reasoning, however, is dis- 
appointing. The Ricardian theory, that rent is the 
difference in the different degrees of productivity of 
competing tracts of land, always implied that people 
would have recourse to still poorer lands, which at 
existing prices of products would not pay for cultiva- 
tion. In order to make his point that rent would 
become a part of necessary cost and hence enter into 
the price of products, Mr. Hobson supposes a case in 
which all the available land has already been brought 
into use, no substitutes are available, and no improve- 

i 9 oi.] BOOK REVIEWS 281 

merits in the land already in use can render the poorest 
tract unnecessary. In that case the owner of the poor- 
est land, which, for a given unit of product, requires 
the greatest outlay of capital and labor, would command 
a rent and this minimum rent would become a part 
of the cost and hence of the price of all products. 

No Ricardian would dispute that for a moment. 
It involves not the slightest change in the theory of 
rent as formulated by Ricardo and as repeated and 
restated by his unbroken line of followers. There is 
really nothing new in the abstract theory of this con- 
tention ; it simply assumes that all land on the earth, 
usable for a given purpose, has been called into use, a 
condition which has never existed in fact and is not 
likely to for an indefinite time to come. Yet in the 
abstract theory it is supposable, and in such a suppos- 
able case the rent (that is, the amount of rent that this 
least productive, or most expensive, increment would 
yield) would be added to price. If the conditions here 
supposed should ever actually exist, this most expen- 
sive increment might not be the poorest, it might even 
be the most productive, but it might also be so far 
removed from the market that the transportation or 
other expenses involved by the distance would make it 
the dearest portion. But, as already remarked, this 
can scarcely be regarded as a contribution to economic 
theory. At least it cannot be regarded as the correction 
of " erroneous doctrine," for it corrects no error, it 
simply shows that under certain imaginary or supposa- 
ble conditions a slight increment of rent might be added 
to prices, but even this would take place by the logical 
operation of the Ricardian law. 

In dealing with the question of wages, however, 
Mr. Hobson is less fortunate. He proceeds upon the 
assumption that the standard of wages in a competing 
group of laborers is determined by the least efficient 


laborers ; that in the group the law of value applies to 
everything that is bought and sold, whether labor or 
commodities, alike. But there is this fundamental dif- 
ference between the effect upon prices of the income 
from labor and the income from land and capital. In 
the case of capital there is, in every well-established 
industry, a great difference in the productivity of dif- 
ferent competing concerns. This may be due to geo- 
graphical situation, wisdom of management, condition 
of machinery or many other causes, but in all such 
competing groups there is some capital which yields no 
profits while its competitors receive a profit just in 
proportion as their production per unit of expenditure 
is greater. According to this, therefore, profit does 
not enter into the price, and the same is true of land, 
at least until Mr. Hobson's supposable case arises, and 
even then none of the rent except that of the final 
increment would enter into the price of the commodities. 

In the case of labor no such condition exists, be- 
cause there is no group of laborers who work for 
nothing, not even under slavery, for even there the 
laborer must receive the amount of his living. So that, 
while there is a great deal of no-rent land and no-inter- 
est capital in use, there is nowhere any no- wage labor. 
All wages are a part of the cost of production. 

In reality, therefore, the doctrine of three rents, or 
the theory that the income from capital, land and labor 
are all of the same economic character, is not correct. 
Any economic teaching based upon such a conclusion is 
not merely misleading in theory but is apt to be very 
injurious in fact, because it gives a mistaken point of 
view from which to treat the economic problems in so- 
ciety. Economic theory is of little scientific utility, 
except perhaps as furnishing exercise in mental gym- 
nastics, unless it really aids useful public policy. 

i 9 oi.J BOOK REVIEWS 283 

of Physiography. By Jacques W. Redway, F. R. G. S. 
Cloth, i2mo, 383 pages, $1.25. Charles Scribner's 
Sons, New York and Chicago. 

Mr. Redway's contributions to physiographic sci- 
ence are so well known and their merits so fully recog- 
nized that this latest work comes to us with the 
presumption already strongly in its favor. As a speci- 
men of bookmaking alone it is worth special commen- 
dation. The cover is particularly attractive, the paper 
of fine quality and the typographical work excellent. 
The book is a i2tno, of 383 pages, and in this respect, 
therefore, is one more step in the rapid abandonment 
of the old-style cumbersome quartos which, by some 
venerable superstition, have heretofore been regarded 
as absolutely essential to any proper comprehension of 
geography. The small size seems not to interfere with 
the pictorial feature, the illustrations in this book being 
abundant and clear: besides numerous half-tones there 
are several colored maps and charts. 

The volume is intended for use in the junior grades 
of high schools, and in normal schools, and many use- 
ful features are introduced to aid the teacher. We 
suspect, however, that the teachers who have time and 
enthusiasm enough to "get in close touch with the 
United States Geological Survey and the Weather Bu- 
reau," as a part of their work in this subject, will be 
amazingly few in number. This implies a degree of 
thoroughness hardly to be expected from any instruct- 
ors of less limited time and facilities than are afforded 
in the colleges. Nevertheless, Mr. Redway's book is 
in itself so comprehensive that the teacher using it 
ought to be able to do ample justice to the subject, at 
least within the necessary limits of high -school and 
normal- school work. 

The author is strongly impressed with the impor- 

284 G UNTON 5 MA GAZINE [March, 

tance of geographical environment in determining the 
industrial and social conditions of mankind. He has 
an abundance of interesting and suggestive data in 
support of this view, proper appreciation of which 
is of course essential to any clear comprehension of 
history. No discussion of this general topic can be 
entirely adequate, however, which does not more fully 
take into consideration the enormous influence of sci- 
ence, invention, transportation, and intelligent societary 
regulation, as forces modifying and sometimes even 
nullifying the local limitations of geographic environ- 
ment. In the early days of the race, and in crude 
society wherever it still remains, man was and is con- 
trolled and shaped by nature, but human progress is 
the record of his steadily augmenting control over 
nature, throwing off little by little the shackles of time, 
place and natural barriers, turning infertility into fer- 
tility, and building up diversification of industry, for 
social and political reasons, which economic or geo- 
graphic conditions alone would not have accomplished 
for generations or even centuries. 

Nor is any discussion of this matter wholly com- 
plete which omits to consider those dynamic psycho- 
logical, religious and moral forces which, in cooperation 
with social, political, economic and geographic influ- 
ences, have wrought the progressive transformation of 
the face of society throughout the ages. It is only 
natural, however, that a work devoted strictly to physi- 
ography should emphasize physiographical influences 
and not extend out into general discussion of the 
philosophy of history. This book conveys the unmis- 
takable impression of very wide individual research, 
scientific classification of data, and systematic develop- 
ment of the subject in accordance with sound peda- 
gogical principles. It ought to have a generous re- 



Democracy and Social Ethics. By Jane Addams, head 
of "Hull House," Chicago, joint author of "Philan- 
thropy and Social Progress." Cloth, i2mo. The Mac- 
millan Company, New York. 

The Limits of Evolution. And other Essays in Phi- 
losophy, Illustrating the Metaphysical Theory of Per- 
sonal Idealism. By G. H. Howison, LL.D., Mills pro- 
fessor of philosophy in the University of California. 
The Macmillan Company, New York. 

Life and Letters of Thomas H. Huxley. By his son, 
Leonard Huxley. Cloth, 2 vols., 8vo, 549 -f- 547 pp., 
$5, net. D. Appleton and Company, New York. With 
eight photogravures and several other illustrations. 

The Private Life of King Edward VII. (Prince of 
Wales, 184.1-1901). By a Member of the Royal House- 
hold. Uniform with " The Private Life of the Queen." 
Cloth, i2mo, $1.50. D. Appleton and Company, New 
York. Illustrated. 

China : Travels and Investigations in the Middle King- 
dom A Study of Its Civilization and Possibilities. To- 
gether with an Account of the Boxer War, the Relief 
of the Legations and the Reestablishment of Peace. 
By James Harrison Wilson, A.M., LL.D. Cloth, 
i2mo, $1.75. D. Appleton and Company, New York. 
Third edition, revised throughout, enlarged and reset. 

An Introduction to the Industrial and Social History 
of England. By Edward P. Cheney, A.M., prof essor of 
European history in the University of Pennsylvania. 
Cloth, crown 8vo. The Macmillan Company, New 

Social Control. A Survey of the Foundations of 
Order. By Edgar Alsworth Ross, Ph.D. Cloth, i2mo. 
The Macmillan Company, New York. 


Custom and Competition. By Richard T. Ely, LL.D., 
author of " Monopolies and Trusts." Cloth, i2mo. 
The Macmillan Company, New York. 

American Municipal Progress. By Charles Zueblin, 
B.D., associate professor of sociology in the University 
of Chicago. Cloth, i2mo. The Macmillan Company, 
New York. 

An Essay on Western Civilization in Its Economic 
Aspects (Medieval and Modern Times). By W. Cunning- 
ham, D.D., Hon. LL.D. Cloth, i2mo, 300 pp., $1.25 
net. The Macmillan Company, New York. 

The French Monarchy (i 4.83-1 -789). By A. J. Grant, 
M.A., of King's College, Cambridge. Cloth, 2 vols., 
1 2mo, 311 + 3 H PP- $2.25. The Macmillan Company, 
New York. 

The American Negro. What He Was, What He Is, 
and What He May Become. By William Hannibal 
Thomas. Cloth, 8vo, gilt top, 440 pp., $2. The Mac- 
millan Company, New York. A critical and practical 

The Rulers of the South, Sicily, Calabria and Malta. 
By F. Marion Crawford, author of "Ave Roma Immor- 
talis," " Via Crucis," etc. 2 vols., crown 8vo, $6 net. 
The Macmillan Company, New York. 

The Law and Policy of Annexation. With Special 
Reference to the Philippines ; together with Observa- 
tions on the Status of Cuba. By Carmen F. Randolph 
of the New York bar, author of " The Law of Eminent 
Domain." Cloth, 219 pp. Longmans, Green, and Co., 
New York, London and Bombay. 

The Destruction of Ancient Rome. A Sketch of the 
History of the Monuments. By Rudolfo Lanciana, 
D.C.L., professor of ancient topography in the Uni- 
versity of Rome. Cloth, gilt tops, i2mo, $2. The 
Macmillan Company, New York. 


' The queen . . . had the strongest prejudices 
against public men with whom she differed in politics ; 
and, though she was far too constitutional a queen ever 
to allow her feelings to interfere with public business, 
she had her likes and dislikes strongly defined. Her 
favorite prime ministers were Lord Melbourne, Lord 
Beaconsfield and Lord Salisbury. She never was on 
easy terms with Mr. Gladstone or any of the liberal 
party, except, perhaps, Lord Rosebery, at the begin- 
ning of his administration. As to Mr. Chamberlain, 
she had long a great fear that he would prove a danger- 
ous factor in English politics ; but, when the question 
of the union broke up the liberal party, she showed in 
the most unmistakable manner her approbation of the 
liberal unionist leaders. On the occasion of the open- 
ing of the Imperial Institute, it was remarked by every 
one that she placed strong emphasis on the words, ' the 
union of my empire.' It was always said that Lord 
Beaconsfield, who was a thorough courtier, gained his in- 
fluence over her by giving way to her opinions on nearly 
every point, or, at any rate, by persuading her that he 

did so Her affection for him, at any rate, was 

very deep and sincere, and she mourned for him not 
only on national, but personal grounds." LADY JEUNE, 
in " Victoria and Her Reign ;" North American Review. 

" Here and there, dotted about where circumstances 
and conditions have caused their growth, are found the 
slums. They used to be plague-spots, and, in a sense, 
they are so still ; but of late years they are much 
improved. To find the real old slum, the foul, inde- 
scribable pigsty, one must not look for it in East Lon- 
don. It lingers, here and there, on the south of the 
Thames. Any of the medical students of Guy's Hospi- 



tal, who have to attend the sick in the courts of South- 
wark, will lead you readily to such a slum ; but in East 
London itself I should find if difficult to take you to 
places such as I remember, twenty years ago, to have 
looked into, shuddering. Therefore, if you read novels 
of the day describing things brutal and horrible beyond 
endurance, you should regard these descriptions with 
suspicion. If they are true, they belong to the past, 
and exist no longer save in rare and very exceptional 
cases, and then against the voice of public opinion in 
their quarter. "SiR WALTER BESANT, in "The Helping 
Hand in East London;" The Century. 

1 ' Speaking particularly of the American attitude 
on this question, it is held that any plan which prohib- 
its recourse to the strike, when all other efforts at 
adjustment fail, must by that fact destroy the power 
necessary to the efficiency of the trade union. Organi- 
zation among the workers, while tending to lessen the 
number of strikes by preventing or remedying those 
grievances which inevitably induce strikes, is possible 
only where the power to strike is held in reserve. In- 
deed, compulsory arbitration as practised in New Zea- 
land makes the trade union superfluous for all real 
good. Under that law, any seven men or women 
workers, organized or registered in the prescribed man- 
ner, can accomplish as much, in the final event, as any 
greater number. An organization of a thousand work- 
ers exercises a proportionate influence upon the condi- 
tions of their calling, provided always that they retain 
the power to enforce their demands by refusing to work 
until these are granted. The power of united numbers, 
consisting as it does in the power correspondingly to 
affect production, becomes nil when the power to cease 
producing is lost. 5 ' WALTER MACARTHUR, in "Ameri- 
can Trade Unions and Compulsory Arbitration ;" The 

Professor of Political Economy and Finance, Columbia University 

See page 305 



The "Second ^ nas been twenty-seven years since a 
Term " in president was inaugurated in this country 

American Politics or a secon d consecutive term. During 
this period Mr. Cleveland has held the office twice, but 
not twice in succession. The reelection and second 
inauguration of President McKinley draws attention to 
the gradual change in the character of the considerations 
that have determined the election of presidents, espe- 
cially second-term elections, since the early days of the 
republic. After Washington, for a quarter of a century 
the second term was regarded practically as a matter of 
course, demanded by courtesy and precedent and en- 
forced by the desirability of keeping experienced men 
in office, a sentiment which unfortunately has grown 
weaker with the spread of the spoils system and ' ' rota- 
tion in office " idea. By the time of Jackson the per- 
sonality of the man had begun to count for more than 
tradition. Jackson himself was largely instrumental in 
bringing about rotation in office as a recognized practice 
in the government, and owed his own second term chiefly 
to his extraordinary personal popularity. This is further 
evidenced by the fact that from Jackson to Lincoln no 
man of really commanding personality occupied the 
presidency, and no one was chosen for a second term. 
Lincoln's reelection was partly due to his personal pop- 
ularity but more largely to the war issues which ab- 
sorbed the nation. Grant's second term was almost 


290 G UN TON *S MA GA Z1NE [April, 

entirely the reflection of his individual hold on the 

In recent years, however, the determining factors 
have been much more largely the issues at stake than 
the personality of the candidates. Mr. Harrison was 
little known when he first became a presidential candi- 
date, but he won chiefly on the tariff issue, and a 
reversal of popular sentiment on the same subject, cou- 
pled with a growing hostility to capitalistic interests, 
carried Mr. Cleveland back into office four years later. 
The issues more than the men were the real storm cen- 
ters, and in the reelection of Mr. McKinley we have 
this tendency carried almost to the extreme limit, a man 
of very lukewarm popularity continued in power by an 
overwhelming vote because of the issues he repre- 
sented. In reality it was not William McKinley who 
triumphed last fall, but the three-fold cause of sound 
money, business stability and what was believed to be 
the safer of two proposed foreign policies. 

President As ^ there seemed to be some need of 

McKinley's emphasizing the president's personality 

Inaugural } n t ^ e m id s t o f the great issues that over- 

shadow him, the inauguration ceremonies of March 
4th were arranged on an elaborate scale, quite surpass- 
ing any previous occasions of the kind in spectacular 
effect. The inauguration address had the merit of 
brevity, and on the whole breadth of sentiment. Al- 
though seldom noteworthy for any strong original 
statement of policy, Mr. McKinley's public papers are 
always marked by able and ingenious defence of courses 
already pursued. His references in this second inau- 
gural to the business prosperity and successful outcome 
of the Spanish war, during his first administration, 
were brief and entirely justified by the facts, and the 
spirit of national rather than party obligation in the 



discharge of presidential duties was prominent 
throughout. Indeed, so far as its sentiments are con- 
cerned, there is no particular criticism to be made on 
the inaugural. Criticism begins when we compare 
some of these sentiments and statements of facts with 
recent and perfectly familiar experience. 

Take, for example, the president's dec- 
laration with reference to the nature and 
extent of the Philippine insurrection, 

alongside of which we reprint an extract from General 

MacArthur's report of October ist last: 

Nature of the 



President McKinley's Inaugural 

"Our countrymen should not be 
deceived. We are not waging war 
against the inhabitants of the Phil- 
ippine Islands. A portion of them 
are making war against the United 
States. By far the greater part of 
the inhabitants recognize Amer- 
ican sovereignty, and welcome it 
as a guarantee of order and se- 
curity for life, property, liberty, 
freedom of conscience and the 
pursuit of happiness. To them 
full protection will be given. They 
shall not be abandoned. We will 
not leave the destiny of the loyal 
millions in the islands to the dis- 
loyal thousands who are in rebel- 
lion against the United States. 
Order under civil institutions will 
come as soon as those who now 
break the peace shall keep it. 
Force will not be needed or used 
when those who make war against 
us shall make it no more." 

General Mae Arthur's Report 

"The success of this unique sys- 
tem of war depends upon almost 
complete unity of action of the en- 
tire native population. That such 
unity is a fact is too obvious to ad- 
mit of discussion ; how it is brought 
about and maintained is not so 
plain. Intimidation has undoubt- 
edly accomplished much to this 
end, but fear as the only motive is 
hardly sufficient to account for the 
united and spontaneous action of 
several millions of people. One 
traitor in each town would eventu- 
ally destroy such a complex or- 
ganization. It is more probable 
that the adhesive principle comes 
from ethnological homogeneity, 
which induces men to respond for 
a time to the appeals of consan- 
guineous leadership even when 
such action is opposed to their own 
interests and convictions of expe- 
diency. These remarks apply with 
equal force to the entire archipel- 
ago, excepting only that part of 
Mindanao occupied by Moros. and 
to the Jolo group. " 


General MacArthur is, of course, our chief military 
officer in the Philippines. Comment on the above is 
unnecessary, unless it be on the grim humor of the 
suggestion that ' ' force will not be needed or used when 
those who make war against us shall make it no more." 
This exactly reverses the facts, for it is well established 
that the complete change in our own attitude in the 
Philippines during the summer of 1898 is what really 
led to the break with the natives. If we had applied 
our Cuban policy in the islands, as the Filipinos at first 
believed we would do, we should undoubtedly have had 
their continued cooperation instead of hostility. 

Again, with reference to Cuba: the 

Cuban Inde- . - ^ ..... - -. -, 

pendence president in his inaugural declared that 

our consistent purpose had been and was 
"the establishment of a free and independent govern- 
ment prepared to assume and perform the obligations 
of international law," and that the new Cuban institu- 
tions "should be adapted to secure a government 
capable of performing the duties and discharging the 
functions of a separate nation." 

Just previous to this, the senate, reflecting the 
wishes of the administration, had adopted as an amend- 
ment to the army appropriation bill a series of condi- 
tions upon which the president would be authorized 
to withdraw American troops from Cuba and leave the 
island to itself. These, in substance, are as follows : 

(1) That Cuba must never make any treaty with a foreign power 
tending to impair Cuban independence or permit such power to obtain 
lodgment in or control over any part of the island. 

(2) That Cuba must not contract any public debt beyond the capa- 
city of the island's revenues to sustain. 

(3) That the United States shall have the right to intervene to 
preserve Cuban independence and maintain a government capable of 
protecting life, property and liberty. 

(4) That all acts of the United States in Cuba up to date shall be 


ratified and all American rights thus far acquired in the island main- 
tained and protected. 

(5) That Cuba must continue to carry out all our plans for the 
sanitation of cities throughout the island. 

(6) That the Isle of Pines shall not be regarded as a Cuban pos- 

(7) That Cuba must sell or lease to the United States lands neces- 
sary for coaling and naval stations. 

Whatever name may be given to this arrangement, 
it amounts simply to a protectorate of the United States 
over Cuba. The island will neither have a "free and 
independent government" nor be "a separate nation." 
Control of public finances, foreign relations and internal 
government constitute practically all the functions of 
an independent state, and in each of these particulars 
the United States either expressly declares what shall 
and shall not be done or else demands the perpetual 
right of intervention. In other words, we shall exer- 
cise a "suzerainty" over Cuba many times more com- 
plete and definite than England pretended to claim 
over the Transvaal from 1881 to 1899. Perhaps all this 
may be very necessary, but if Cuba is so thoroughly 
unfit for independence why does not the president 
frankly say so and tell the country why we are thus 
obliged to take the island into perpetual wardship? If 
experience has proved that this is after all our highest 
duty, why keep up the pretence of calling Cuba a 
"separate nation" under a "free and independent gov- 

The Cuban convention had adopted a 
of AnnatTon constitution before the passage of this 

declaration of policy by the United States 
senate, and the draft of the document was signed by 
the delegates on February 2ist. The convention is still 
in session, debating the details of our demands, and 
from the present outlook it will yield to unwelcome 


necessity and accept the conditions for the sake of get- 
ting the form and machinery at least of an independent 

It is true that we assumed a certain moral respon- 
sibility for the future of Cuba, and that if the Cubans 
cannot govern themselves without our help and control 
then interference will be justified for some time to 
come at least. But there is no reason for assuming that 
the Cubans need any such wholesale permanent super- 
vision, any more than do the various South American 
republics. We have never felt called upon to manage 
or interfere with these countries, further than to draw 
the line of the Monroe doctrine around them, which 
has proved an entirely sufficient ' 'regulation" of their 
foreign relations and would be equally effective in the 
case of Cuba. We have acted toward our neighboring 
republics on the double theory that we have problems 
enough of our own to absorb all our best energy and 
statesmanship, and that other countries will develop 
real capacity for self-government faster by being left 
practically on their own responsibility than if they are 
saved from the consequences of every mistake by the 
strong arm of a paternal ' 'protector." The same prin- 
ciple of political evolution is quite as applicable to 
Cuba, for Cuba's own sake, while from the point of 
view of our own interests it is exceedingly important 
just now to minimize whatever steps seem to head in 
the direction of annexation. If the senate declarations 
were to lie quiescent as containing merely a reserva- 
tion of power to interfere in extreme cases, they might 
prove practically harmless, but in the light of our pres- 
ent Philippine policy there is every reason to expect 
that we shall proceed to exercise a very real and effec- 
tive kind of intervention in Cuba's affairs, until this 
course has become so familiar that annexation can be 
urged as the natural and easy next step. 


This is really the chief danger in the senate decla- 
rations. It is the phase of the situation to which public 
sentiment should be most keenly alive. The quality of 
American citizenship, upon which depends the safety 
and success of our democratic institutions, is already 
sufficiently threatened by the city -slum and immigra- 
tions problems, still more by the negro problem in the 
South, and bids fair to be further complicated before 
very long by the admission of Hawaii and perhaps 
Porto Rico as states. In each case it is a problem of 
alien and dissimilar races that has put and is putting 
the most severe strain upon our democratic experiment, 
and to bring in Cuba and later on the Philippines would 
probably insure us a complete setback if not failure. 
These various groups may be able to carry on indepen- 
dent governments of their own, adapted to their own 
conditions, but, forced into an unnatural combination 
with Anglo-Saxons on a plane of political equality, the 
result can only be arrest of our progress or suspension 
of the democratic principle in our institutions by pro- 
viding different forms of government for each different 
group, thus returning practically to the methods of 

One of the last acts of the 56th congress 

\y-f *T%X 

Reduction was t ^ ie P assa g e f a bill to reduce the 

internal revenue taxes imposed on ac- 
count of the war with Spain. The conference report 
adopted by both houses on February 28th is expected 
to reduce the revenues of the government by some 
$42, ooo, ooo per year, the largest single item in which is 
about $10,000,000 on the beer tax, next about $7,000,000 
on tobacco and snuff, the same amount on bank 
checks, some $4,500,000 on cigars and cigarettes, 
$4,000,000 on proprietary medicines, etc., $3, 500, ooo on 
promissory notes, and so on. The reduction in the beer 


tax is 25 cents per barrel instead of 35 cents as first pro- 
posed, the change being due probably to a strong popu- 
lar impression that the brewing interests were much too 
effectively in evidence in the congressional lobbies. 

It is cause for public congratulation that the guid- 
ing rule seems to have been to remove those taxes which 
have proved most offensive in the daily transactions of 
the masses of the people, and retain those that could be 
borne with least inconvenience and petty annoyance. 
For example, the two-cent stamp on bank checks, of 
which the people have grown utterly weary, will be a 
thing of the past after June 3Oth next, when most of the 
other reductions go into effect. The tax on promissory 
notes disappears at the same time, as well as that on 
money orders, express receipts, telephone and telegraph 
messages, insurance policies, leases, warehouse receipts, 
etc. These taxes are entirely repealed, while the chief 
reductions without complete repeal are in the taxes on 
beer, tobacco, cigars, foreign bills of exchange, legacies, 
etc. The principal taxes retained are those on bankers' 
capital and surplus, stockbrokers and pawnbrokers, the- 
aters, circuses, manufacturers and dealers in tobacco, 
certificates of stock, wines, oil and sugar refineries, 
mixed flour, tea, etc. It is expected that the taxes 
retained will just about enable the government to meet 
the increased scale of expenditures to be made necessary 
by the new army and navy appropriations, but in case 
of a business depression it would be necessary to draw 
on the treasury surplus and eventually probably to 
reimpose some of the taxes now removed. 

Tariff The nee dless excitement over a possible 

Complication tariff war with Russia is rapidly dwin- 
with Russia dling, as the facts in the case and rela- 

tively trivial proportions of the trade involved become 
more clearly understood. The substance of the case is 


simply this : under the Dingley tariff law the secretary 
of the treasury is required to impose an extra duty on 
sugar coming from any countries which pay a bounty 
on the export of sugar to the United States, and under 
this law additional duties have been regularly assessed 
on sugar imported from Germany, France, Belgium, the 
Netherlands and certain other sugar-exporting coun- 
tries. A duty of this kind was also assessed on Russian 
sugar until May, 1900, when it was temporarily sus- 
pended pending an investigation as to whether Russia 
really paid an export bounty. After nine months it 
was decided that Russia did practically pay such a 
bounty and therefore, on February i4th, Secretary 
Gage ordered the reimposition of the "countervailing" 
duty, based on the net amount of such bounties. This 
increased the duty on Russian sugar by almost one cent 
a pound. 

There is nothing new or unprecedented in the sec- 
retary's action. It simply restores a duty which it is 
found ought to be paid, and not to impose which would 
be justly regarded by Germany, France and the other 
countries interested as an unfair discrimination in favor 
of Russian sugar. Since Russia does pay this export 
bounty, there is absolutely no reason why it should be 
relieved from the same extra duty that is paid by other 
countries on their bounty- assisted exports. 

The Russian minister of finance, M. De Witte, 
seems to have imagined, however, that he can force a 
special concession from the United States by imposing 
a retaliatory duty on American iron and steel products. 
Whether he will literally do this as a permanent policy 
is still uncertain, but it is this prospective retaliation 
that has aroused all the discussion and needless alarm 
here in the United States. It appears, taking the most 
liberal Russian estimates of American imports of iron 
.and steel, whether coming directly or indirectly, that 


we do not send Russia more than $5,000,000 worth per 
year, while that going direct to Russia and paying the 
Russian import duty as American products is less than 
$4,000,000 worth per year. Since a good part of these 
exports are for the Russian government itself , in building 
the Siberian railroad, and since Russia's sugar exports to 
this country amount to only a few hundred thousand 
dollars per year, M. De Witte's policy will cost the 
Russians a very material advantage and gain them 
nothing in return. As for the loss to American iron 
and steel exporters, it is altogether trivial compared 
with the possible loss that might come from commer- 
cial unfriendliness with such a country as Germany, 
which buys from us fifteen to twenty times as much as 
Russia purchases. That this trade would be seriously 
injured is altogether probable if we should make a 
special exception on the sugar duty in favor of Russia. 
It is to be hoped that the whole controversy will drop 
into the oblivion which it thoroughly deserves by its 
very unimportance. 

Russia is a much more serious object of 
concern in the far East, however. Dur- 
ing the whole period of the disturbances 
in central China last summer and the occupation of 
Peking by the powers, Russia was carrying on a war of 
its own in Manchuria, along the line of the Siberian 
railroad and along the Manchurian- Siberian frontier. 
Chinese troops invaded Russian territory, and were not 
only driven back but were followed throughout Man- 
churia until Russian military posts practically covered 
the province. It now appears that the Russians have 
been arranging with the local Chinese authorities, inde- 
pendently of the powers at Peking, for the joint pres- 
ence of Russian and Chinese troops in Manchuria for an 
indefinite period. The Russian minister of foreign 


affairs, Count Lamsdorf, declares that this action has 
been taken for the same reasons that compelled the 
powers at Peking to exact terms from China sufficient 
to protect foreign interests throughout the empire. 
Nevertheless, the impression is strong that the czar's 
government regards Manchuria as distinct from the 
general Chinese problem and expects to arrange with 
China direct for the future status of the province. 

There is much to confirm this suspicion. Russia 
naturally would have a strong interest in getting con- 
trol of the region which includes all the eastern portion 
of the great trans- continental railroad and would also 
afford a bulwark and base of operations in case of 
trouble with the czar's most powerful eastern neighbor 
Japan. There is good reason, too, for the Russians 
to look for trouble with Japan. Port Arthur, which 
Russia has monopolized for the terminus of its railroad, 
was really won from China by the Japanese, who were 
prevented by Russia from keeping the prize, and Japan 
is constantly suspicious that Russia will push on and 
absorb Korea, the little "buffer state/' which the 
Japanese will some day want for themselves. Of 
course, if Russia should finally determine to establish 
a protectorate over Manchuria, which would be equiva- 
lent to annexing it, the powers would have to prevent 
the grab by force or else join in a complete dismember- 
ment and partition of the Chinese empire. 

Our own government could not possibly permit 
itself to share in any such spoliation, and therefore 
we must steadily resist every diplomatic tendency that 
heads in the direction of partition. Our one great 
interest in China is the preservation of the ' * open 
door," and it happens that Manchuria furnishes the 
largest part of our Chinese market for cotton goods. 
Russian absorption of this province would mean an end 
of the open door in that quarter, and if the rest of 


China were divided up we should find ourselves en- 
tirely on the outside, with an interesting collection of 
" open- door" pledges as our only reminders of the 
wonderful trade expansion we were to enjoy in the 
Orient, and to which Hawaii and the Philippines were 
to be the stepping-stones. If ever we needed a strong 
diplomatic policy it is now with reference to Russia's 
presence in Manchuria. There is the real kejr to the 
whole future policy of the powers regarding China, and 
we ought not to take ourselves out of the controversy 
so long as our influence is needed against dismember- 
ment of the empire. 

Meanwhile, China is proceeding to carry 
The Powers out ^ Demands o f t h e powers. Several 

of the Boxer offenders have been exe- 
cuted and the negotiations now relate chiefly to the 
amounts and methods of paying the indemnities. The 
powers are planning the details of gradual withdrawal 
from Chinese territory. Probably the American and 
French will go first, the British will take the summer for 
it, and the Germans are expected to stay as long as Count 
von Waldersee continues to enjoy himself in the heroic 
function of chasing and looting little bands of offending 
Chinamen who are luckless enough to let their where- 
abouts come to his ears. The count doubtless expects 
a monument when he returns to Germany and it ought 
to bear a statue representing him in Brobdingnagian 
proportions, armed to the teeth, and with the rapt ex- 
pression of the giant who has just " smelled the blood" 
of a Chinaman. 

Just recently, a flurry has arisen at Tien-Tsin be- 
tween England and Russia, the importance of which has 
been much exaggerated for sensational purposes. It 
appears that through some error the Chinese granted the 
same piece of land as a railroad concession to both Eng- 


land and Russia. The English, upon undertaking to 
build a siding on it, at once clashed with the Russians. 
No question of large importance is affected by this mis- 
understanding, and it is incredible that so slight a cause, 
obviously growing out of a mistake and perfectly capa- 
ble of easy settlement, should lead to serious difficulties 
between the two powers, much less to war. 

The United States Steel Corporation was 
The Giant Steel ~ 11 . , ^ - ,, - 

Cor ration finally organized on February 25th, under 

the laws of New Jersey, with a nominal 
capitalization of only $3,000, soon to be increased to 
$850,000,000, with some $304,000,000 of bonds; repre- 
senting in all a capitalization of $1,154,000,000. This 
giant concern represents by far the larger part of all the 
iron and steel manufacturing industries of the country, 
including the Carnegie Company, the Federal Steel, the 
American Steel and Wire, the National Tube, the Na- 
tional Steel, the American Tin Plate, the American 
Steel Hoop, the American Sheet Steel and other large 
establishments. One-half the capital stock will consist 
of 7 per cent, preferred stock and the other of ordinary 
common stock, while the bonds will bear interest at 5 
per cent. It is understood that the $304,000,000 of 
bonds of the new company are to be given in exchange 
for the bonds and 60 per cent, of the stock of the Car- 
negie Company. The Carnegie Company's bonds 
amount to $160,000,000, leaving $144,000,000 for the 
purchase of 60 per cent of the stock. As the Carnegie 
Company's stock also amounts to $160,000,000, 60 per 
cent, of which would be $96,000,000, it appears that the 
$144,000,000 to be given for this would be at the rate of 
$1,500 for each $1,000 share. As Mr. Carnegie's indi- 
vidual interest in the Carnegie Company amounted to 
$86, 3 79, ooo in stock and about the same amount in bonds, 
it will be seen that the consolidation has enabled him to 


retire with a guaranteed interest-bearing fortune of con- 
siderably more than $200,000,000. 

It is estimated by Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan, to whose 
efforts chiefly this vast consolidation is due, that proba- 
bly $150,000,000 would have been spent by the various 
companies now combined in the next five years in com- 
petition and the building of additional plants, all of 
which will now be saved. In order to pay 5 per cent, 
on the bonds, and an average of 5 per cent, on the pre- 
ferred and common stock (which means, of course, only 
3 or 4 per cent, on the common stock) the new corpora- 
tion will have to earn a net surplus of about $50,000,000 
per year. As it is estimated that the various industries 
consolidated represent a total production of more than 
10,000,000 tons annually, it will be seen that a profit of 
at least $5 per ton must be earned to get this $50,000,- 
ooo. With continued prosperity and expansion of for- 
eign trade it does not seem unreasonable that this can 
be done, assuming, of course, a degree of ability in man- 
agement adequate to so gigantic a business. This is a 
large assumption, it must be admitted, and only experi- 
ence can determine whether any individual manager or 
any board of directors that can be brought together will 
be competent successfully to handle an institution of 
such prodigious bulk, competing in the world's markets 
and subject all the time to new competition at home 
whenever the maximum efficiency of management is not 

Such a consolidation probably represents the high- 
water mark of industrial integration. The new corpo- 
ration, if it endures, may expand with the growth of the 
steel industry in this country, but there is no other line 
of industry which offers the opportunity for consolida- 
tion on any such gigantic scale. The only possible 
approach to the steel combination in the matter of size 
would be a consolidation of several different kinds of 

1 90 1 . ) RE VIE W OF TH EMON TH 303 

industries an experiment which is almost certain to 
exceed the limits of greatest economic efficiency by its 
very unnaturalness, cumbersome bulk and diversity of 
policy, and therefore to invite failure from the outset. 
The United States Steel Corporation not only represents 
the high-water mark of consolidation but it is a monu- 
ment to the extraordinary financial genius of the man 
who was able to bring together in this way interests so 
vast, diverse and antagonistic. 

If this gigantic corporation has not been bur- 
dened with a capitalization beyond its earning capacity, 
and if the management proves equal to its task, the con- 
solidation ought to be a permanent success. If it is, it 
will prevent a possible demoralization of the steel indus- 
try, which might very likely have come through exces- 
sive competition and brought panic and hard times in 
its train. The billion-dollar corporation, under wise 
management and conservative financial guidance, would 
make for industrial stability at least, and in this every 
laborer and indeed every citizen of the republic has a 
constant and vital interest. 

Ex- President Harrison, who died at In- 

Death of ^ . . . , .. - 

Benjamin Harrison diana P lls March 1 3tfc. was a statesman 
of great intellectual ability, definiteness 
of political views and firmness in the discharge of pub- 
lic duties. These qualities, together with unquestioned 
personal integrity, make up a type of man not so 
numerously represented in our public life to-day that 
any can be spared without the loss being felt. General 
Harrison was one of the old-school republican states- 
men of the period made memorable by many other 
strong individualities, such, for example, as Elaine, 
Conkling and Sherman. Indeed, it will probably be a 
long time before a national administration offers such 
a combination of ability and brilliancy as we had in 


Harrison, Blaine and Reed, as president, secretary of 
state, and speaker of the house, respectively. 

General Harrison was born at North Bend, Ohio, 
in 1833, and educated at Miami University. In 1854 
he settled in Indianapolis and built up a law practice, 
interrupted by two years of active service in the field 
during the civil war, in the course of which he rose 
from the rank of lieutenant to brigadier-general. He 
was United States senator for Indiana from 1881 to 
1887 and president of the United States from 1889 to 
1893. He was not in sympathy with the foreign policy of 
the McKinley administration, but refrained from active 
criticism until what he considered the greater danger 
of Bryanism was safely averted by the election of 1900. 
It must be said, of his recent contention that the con- 
stitution extends uniformly to all our new possessions, 
that it placed his own earlier policy of Hawaii annex- 
ation in an unfortunate light, since, if the Hawaiians 
were entitled under the constitution to political equality, 
they were clearly unfit to be annexed at all. General 
Harrison did not repeat this mistake, however, in his 
attitude on the Philippine question. He was strongly 
opposed to annexation of these islands, and this partly 
because of his conviction that if once annexed we could 
not avoid admitting them to the full enjoyment of 
American constitutional privileges. 

General Harrison was never a mere carping critic 
or "back-number" statesman with a grievance. Indeed, 
his private life after retiring from the presidency was a 
model of active usefulness and dignified reserve. His 
recent position on the government's foreign policy was 
that of abroad-minded statesman and thorough patriot. 
Had his hand been at the helm during the last four 
years we should probably have had no Philippine war 
and no need of wrenching the constitution to provide 
for the exigencies of a "colonial" policy. 



It has long been recognized that there are certain 
forms of enterprise which differ in some important re- 
spects from ordinary business ventures. They may be 
divided into two classes. The first class comprises 
those where the industry tends strongly to become an 
actual monopoly and where uncontrolled monopoly be- 
comes injurious to the interests of society. In such a 
case no one denies the necessity of some form of social 
intervention. The difficulty arises when we have to de- 
cide whether this should take the form of government 
ownership or only of government control. The second 
class of industries comprises those which may continue 
to be subject to competition, but where the social 
interests involved are of such commanding importance 
as to demand the active interference of government. 
An attentive observation will disclose the fact that both 
classes of enterprise may be included under the general 
name of transportation and communication, understand- 
ing these words in the broadest sense to include the de- 
livery of values as well as the transmission of intelli- 
gence. It is largely about some of these forms of en- 
terprise that the great controversy is taking place in 
every modern country. These industries may be 
classed under the following heads : 



I . Transfer of Values. 

(i) Coinage; (2) Issue of Notes; (3) Banks of Deposit; (4) Banks of 

II. Transfer of Products. 

(i) Markets and Fairs; (2) Docks and Piers. 

III. Transportation of Persons and Freight. 

(i) Roads; (2) Canals; (3) Ferries; (4) Bridges; (5) Railways; (6) 
Street Railways ; (7) Express Companies. 

IV. Communication or Transmission of Intelligence, 
(i) Post Office; (2) Telegraph; (3) Telephone. 

V. Transmission of Utilities and Power. 

(i) Water Works; (2) Lighting Companies, Gas and Electric; (3) 
Electric Power Companies; (4) Steam Heating Companies; (5) Hot 
Water Companies ; (6) Irrigation and Power Canals. 

Although in the beginning all these enterprises 
are in the hands of private individuals, some of them 
are gradually subjected to more and more social control, 
until they are finally taken over by government itself ; 
and when once the government manages these enter- 
prises the fiscal policy involved slowly changes. So far 
as this progress takes place at all, there seems to be a 
definite law of evolution in all the media of transporta- 
tion and communication. No less than five stages of 
development may be discerned : 

Everywhere at first they are in private hands and 
used for purposes of extortion and profit, like the high- 
ways of mediaeval Europe, or the early bridges and 
canals and markets. In the second stage, they are "af- 
fected with a public interest," and are turned over to 
trustees who are permitted to charge fixed tolls but are 
required to keep the service up to a certain standard. 
This was the the era of the canal or turnpike trusts or 
companies. In the third stage the government takes 
over the service, but manages it for profit, as is still the 
case to-day in some countries with the postal and rail- 
way systems. In the fourth stage, the government 
charges tolls, or fees, to cover expenses only, as was un- 
til recently true of canals and bridges, and as is the theory 


of the postal system and municipal water supply with 
us at the present time. In the fifth stage, the govern- 
ment reduces charges until finally there are no charges 
at all and the expenses are defrayed by a general tax on 
the community. This is the stage now reached in the 
common roads and in most of the canals and bridges, 
and which has been proposed by officials of several 
American cities for other services, like the water sup- 

It is obvious, however, that many of the industries 
referred to above have not gone through the whole of 
this evolution, and that some of them still remain in the 
very first stage. It is necessary to consider what are 
the reasons for this inequality of development and what 
may be expected in the immediate future. 

The general principle may be stated as follows. 
The problem of governmental ownership of industry de- 
pends primarily upon three considerations : 

(1) The existence or non-existence of a widespread 
social interest. 

(2) The amount of capital invested. 

(3) The complexity of management. 

It is plain, for instance, that there can be no de- 
mand in a community for the governmental assumption 
of any industry unless that industry is of such fundamen- 
tal social importance to everyone in his efforts to get 
a living as to justify interference by government to that 
extent. No one but the extreme socialist would ask that 
government should manage a shoe factory. For this, 
after all, involves a special, and not a general, interest. 

It is the same with most industries. There are 
so many different kinds and grades of consumers for 
well-nigh every commodity that there is scarcely any 
consciously felt community of interests in the matter. 
But when we come to the enterprises mentioned above, 
the case is different. Everyone feels that there is a 


distinction between such industries and purely private 
industries, because the former are far more intimately 
associated with the life of every citizen and with the 
common welfare. Accordingly, even though they may 
be retained in private hands, it is generally recognized 
that there is in them a quasi-public element which justi- 
fies some form of effective social control. 

In the case of the industries here included under the 
head of the ' 'transfer of values, " there is comparatively 
little discussion to-day. The coinage of money, which 
was formerly in private hands, is now everywhere con- 
ceded to be a public function. The banking business 
is also seen to be quasi-public in character. Although 
in many countries banks are still owned by private in- 
dividuals, government control in the way either of ac- 
counting or of participation in the management is every- 
where recognized as a necessity. The only moot ques- 
tion is as to whether the paper currency of a country should 
be issued by private banks or by the government. The 
decision of this question is largely dependent upon the 
political situation in the respective countries. 

Much the same may be said of the class of industries 
mentioned under our second head. The markets, which 
in the middle ages were almost exclusively private, are 
now coming more and more to be under public control. 
The survivals of the old system in England, whereby 
individuals who received medieval grants of market 
rights are still enabled to control the market privileges 
in many of the towns, are now felt to be anachronisms ; 
hence in England as in many other places in Europe 
the vested rights of individuals are being bought out 
by the local corporations. In America the provision mar- 
kets on a large scale are very largely under public con- 
trol, and yield a substantial income to the city authori- 
ties. In the case of the docks and piers, very much the 
same development has taken place. In the United 


States the progress has not been so rapid as abroad, but 
no one acquainted with the recent history of New York 
city can doubt that the municipalization of the river 
front is leading to a great increase of facilities as well as 
of public revenue. 

When, however, we come to a consideration of the 
last three classes in our schedule, we reach the problems 
which are being so actively discussed at present. In 
a few of the sub-divisions the controversies have been 
laid to rest. For instance, in the case of the common 
highways the process is about complete. Originally the 
roads were the private property of the petty princes, 
who used them for purposes of extortion. It was only 
after a long period that the general government took 
over the highways, although they frequently allowed 
private trusts or companies to manage the turnpikes, on 
condition that the payment of tolls to them would insure 
the keeping of the roads in good repair. It is only of 
comparatively recent occurrence that the tolls have been 
abolished and that the roads have become the common 
highways of the country. In certain rural sections of 
the United States to-day there is still some controversy 
over the principle. But in general it may be said that 
the period of discussion is at an end. 

The same state of affairs is found in the case of 
bridges and very largely also in that of canals. Canals 
were almost everywhere at first owned by private parties. 
New York, however, from the very outset made a shining 
exception in the case of the Erie Canal, and her exam- 
ple has been largely followed in this countrv. It will 
be remembered that it is only within the last two dec- 
ades that canal tolls were abolished in New York and 
that the canals were made free to all. But the canal 
problem is to-day of minor importance because of the 
advent of newer media of transportation. 

In the case of ferries, when they are of distinct social 


importance, they are generally in the hands of the gov- 
ernment, although they may, as in the case of New York, 
be rented out to private parties. 

The same considerations apply in the main to the 
fourth class of industries. Discussion over the post-office 
has been largely laid to rest, so far as the transmission of 
letters, at all events, is concerned. Everybody, with the 
exception of some extreme individualists, like Mr. Her- 
bert Spencer and his followers, is agreed that the post- 
al business should be in the public hands, because in a 
democracy everybody is supposed to read and write, 
and thus to have an equal interest in the use of the 
mails. The chief reason, however, why there is no dis- 
pute on the question of the post-office, is that the gov- 
ernment post originated at a time when there was no 
controversy over the limits of government interference ; 
when this controversy arose, the postal service had be- 
come such a well-settled government institution that 
few people even thought of raising the question. 
Moreover, in the case of the postal service it will be 
recognized that all three of our criteria hold good. In 
the first place, there is a widespread social interest ; 
secondly, the amount of capital invested is very slight, 
nothing being needed but the sites and buildings for the 
post-offices, and a few simple devices for stamping and 
transporting the letters ; and, thirdly, the management 
itself is comparatively simple. Yet even in the post- 
office it is a notorious fact that government manage- 
ment is more costly than private management. A fa- 
mous postmaster general of the United States once told 
the present writer that if instead of being employed by 
the government he were at the head of a large private 
corporation running the post, he could save at least 
twenty million dollars a year. He could do this princi- 
pally through the more effective administration and con- 


solidation of post-offices, which is at present rendered 
impossible by political conditions. 

Nevertheless, no one would think of abandoning the 
government postal service. The only controversy in 
this country arises over what are in other countries some 
of the ancillary features of postal administration. Such, 
for instance, is the problem of the postal telegraph, to 
be discussed below ; and such, also, is the problem of 
parcels post. Almost everywhere, except in the United 
States, this is a well recognized function of the post-office ; 
with us, the private express companies are so firmly en- 
trenched that there seems to be little prospect of alter- 
ing the situation. Yet all the arguments in favor of a 
letter post would apply almost equally well to a parcels 
post. In theory at all events, there is no reason for 
further continuance of private express companies in the 
United States. 

When we come to the telegraph, what has been 
said of the post-office applies in the main also to the 
telegraph service. Unfortunately, in this country the 
telegraph service is not used by everyone. The charges 
are apparently so high and the conditions are such that 
the telegraph is used chiefly for business purposes, and 
only to a very slight extent for social purposes. In 
other countries, where the telegraph is an adjunct to 
the postal system, and where the rates are lower and the 
facilities greater, the people use it, as everyone knows, 
to a far greater extent in proportion to the intelligence 
of the people, than we do. Therefore, from the point 
of view of possible widespread social interest, the tele- 
graph service ought to be put on a par with the postal 
service. In the United States postal charges are lower 
and telegraph charges are higher than abroad. Sec- 
ondly, as regards the capital invested, while in the case 
of the telegraph the necessity for the application of 
capital is somewhat greater than in the case of the post. 


it is slight as compared with, other interests. All that 
is necessary is to procure enough capital to put up poles 
and to string the wires, and possibly also to secure 
certain rights of way. If the government were to 
attempt to buy out the telegraph lines there would 
therefore be a capital outlay, but still an insignificant 
one as compared with that invested in ordinary enter- 
prises for other means of transportation. Finally, in 
the case of the telegraph, the complexity of manage- 
ment would also be a slight factor. Naturally there 
will be from time to time new inventions in telegraph 
apparatus. The experience, however, of even such 
sleepy administrations as those of France and England 
shows that the telegraph service does contrive to keep 
on a level with the new inventions. And while the 
telegraph operators may in some respects be com- 
pared to the postal clerks, the government telegraph 
generally manages to secure a high level of efficiency 
in its officials. 

Therefore, it seems that if we look at the problem 
from each of these three points of view, the widespread 
social interest, the amount of capital involved and the 
complexity of management, all the conditions are in 
favor of the assumption of the postal telegraph by the 
government. This has been recognized by almost all 
the countries of the world, including the most advanced 
democracies, such as Switzerland and Australasia. The 
history of almost every country except our own shows 
that, although the telegraph may have started in private 
hands, it was sooner or later brought under government 

It is well known that when the first telegraph in 
the world was started in the United States in 1844, 
it was practically in the hands of the government, and 
that the government decided not to go on with the tele- 
graph business, largely for the same reason that led the 


postmaster-general in England at about the same time 
violently to oppose the postal reforms of Mr. Rowland 
Hill. The administration thought that the whole 
matter would not amount to anything and did not want 
to commit the government to such a hazardous experi- 
ment. On the other hand, the originator of the tele- 
graph system, who was wise enough to appreciate the 
ultimate outcome, did not conceal his opinion that it 
ought to form a natural adjunct to the postal system. 

The only reason why there is not a louder outcry in 
this country for governmental assumption of the tele- 
graph is that the abuses of the telegraph system are far 
less than those connected with other forms of trans- 
portation. It must be remembered, however, that the 
question of abuse is not the only one, and that what is 
to be desired is above all the greatest possible social 
utility. It might be claimed that if the government 
managed the telegraph lines of this country it would not 
make as much money as the Western Union Telegraph 
Company. This is no doubt true; but, on the other 
hand, the object of the government should be not to 
make profits but to run the service just as the postal 
service is run. In the post-office, any possible profit is 
utilized to reduce the rates. In the case of the tele- 
graph, we know that the rates are far higher in this 
country than abroad, even allowing for the difference in 
the value of money ; the rates are higher not only for 
long distances, but also for short distances. As a result 
the use of the telegraph service in this country cannot 
be compared with that abroad. Therefore, although 
there may not be any serious abuses connected with 
the telegraph management in the United States, it 
seems that every argument that can be made in favor of 
the retention of the postal service by the government 
can be applied to the assumption of the telegraph service 
by the public. 


Practically the same arguments would hold good in 
the case of the telephone. Only a few months ago 
England enacted a law whereby in a very few years the 
whole telephone system will be part and parcel of the 
English post-office. Almost everywhere else in the 
world, even though the telephone service may have 
been originally in the hands of private parties, it is now 
fast coming to be under the control of the government. 
It is true that the arguments are not quite so strong for 
the telephone as for the telegraph. The complexity of 
management is somewhat greater in the case of the 
telephone than in that of the telegraph, and it requires 
a little more care to keep up to the level of modern 
science. Nevertheless, the difference is not material. 
To the extent that the long distance telephone, since 
the great invention of Professor Pupin, will probably 
become even more important than the local telephone, 
the arguments in favor of the retention of the telephone 
in the hands of the federal government rather than 
of the local government become much stronger. It 
is to a great extent considerations of this kind that have 
led England to take the power over the telephones away 
from the municipalities and to put it in the hands of 
the central government. Of course, all this assumes 
that, hand in hand with this progress, there will go a 
development of civil service reform. As a matter 
of fact there have been few political dangers in this 
country shown in connection with the postal service. 
To the extent that they have manifested themselves they 
have been more than counterbalanced by the political 
dangers that would have ensued had the postal service 
been in private hands. In all such cases it is necessary 
to balance the good against the evil. 

While the arguments hitherto advanced would lead 
to the governmental assumption of the telegraph and 
the telephone, they would lead to precisely the opposite 


conclusion in the case of the railways. So far as the 
general social interest is concerned, the situation would 
indeed not be different. It is this fact which has brought 
everyone in this country to a recognition of the need of 
some form of social control over the railways. But the 
main reasons why government railways would be a fail- 
ure in the United States have been mentioned in the 
other two general considerations adduced above. Take, 
for instance, the question of the investment of capital. 
In the case of the post- office, even though we spend 
over a hundred millions a year there is no large capital 
account. It is chiefly current expense. But in the case 
of the railway service we have the most stupendous of 
all modern industries. The amount of capital invested 
is gigantic. The fiscal reason would suffice to kill the 
scheme for government rail ways. Governmental owner- 
ship would throw the whole budget out of gear ; the 
revenues and expenditures of our railways would be 
two or three times as great as all the rest of our 
revenues together, and the entire budget would depend 
upon the temporary prosperity or lack of prosperity of 
the railway system. We know that in bad times the 
revenues of the railways in this country shrink by tens 
and even hundreds of millions of dollars. This would 
so embarrass the whole revenue side of our budget as to 
lead to a complete revolution not only of our tax system 
but also of our entire budgetary methods. This point, 
which has commonly been overlooked, is of considerable 

Still more important, however, is the problem of 
the complexity of management. This alone would be 
an insuperable bar to governmental management of rail- 
ways. Of all businesses, the railway business calls for 
the most delicate handling and must needs pay for the 
highest possible business ability. The great salaries of 
to-day are given to the railway presidents salaries from 


$25,000 to $100,000 a year, and deservedly so, because 
without consummate capacity the attempt to run a rail- 
way would be a failure. Governments could not hope 
to compete successfully in this respect with private 

Conditions may indeed change during the next few 
decades, but under the present system we cannot expect 
a democracy to pay as high salaries to its officials as pri- 
vate industrial enterprises are able to do. The average 
man of business or professional ability will not be 
attracted to the government service. There are 
indeed honorable exceptions to the rule. Yet we all 
know of men who would have been glad to accept gov- 
ernment positions when offered to them, but who 
have stated that they could not possibly afford 
to do so. It is asking a great sacrifice of a 
man, in these days of such immense opportunities for 
special ability, to give up comfort and wealth for the 
more ideal end of serving the public. Only the best 
and the noblest men do that, and their numbers are as 
yet exceedingly few. It may be claimed that govern- 
ment can get the same talent at a somewhat cheaper 
rate than private corporations, but this is not true to the 
extent that it would be necessary to equalize the differ- 
ence between public and private management. There- 
fore, to turn over the greatest, the most complex and 
the most fundamental industry of modern times to the 
hands of the government would, under present con- 
ditions in the United States at all events, lead to such a 
decrease in efficiency as soon to become well-nigh intol- 
erable. The great advantage of individual initiative in 
industry is that the ability of the citizen is turned to- 
ward the reduction of the cost of production. All prog- 
ress in the world consists very largely in lowering the 
cost of production of commodities by driving out old 
processes and introducing new processes. This results 

1 9 o i . ] GO VERNMENT O WNERSHIP 317 

not alone in lower prices for the commodity, but, as our 
history has amply shown, in higher wages for the oper- 
ative as well as in more prosperity for the employer. 
A prominent German who was one of the chief advo- 
cates of the assumption of railways by Prussia, and who 
has written admirable books on the American railway 
problem, has said that if he were an American he would 
be the most outspoken opponent of government assump- 
tion of railways in this country. The difference in po- 
litical conditions must everywhere be borne in mind. 

To say that the government should not assume the 
railways does not mean that the government should per- 
mit free competition in the railway service. The great 
advantage of the competitive system is that competition 
always forces the price down to the level of the cheapest 
competitor. It is only through the force of competition 
in ordinary industry that the conditions arise under 
which new inventions are made, under which new ma- 
chines are introduced, under which the cost of produc- 
tion is lowered. All progress, therefore, which directly 
depends upon the decrease of the cost of production de- 
pends upon the competition between producers. That 
is why, under the competitive system of the nineteenth 
century, the world has been making such immense ad- 
vances. Now, this very excellence of the competitive 
system discloses its weakness when applied to a public 
or quasi-public enterprise. Prices can be brought down 
and lowered only through the effort of producers to get 
the better of each other and to offer to their purchasers 
all kinds of inducements in order to widen their mar- 
ket. Every merchant and manufacturer tries so far as 
he can to secure control of the market, and he attempts 
to do this by reducing his own price to any point that is 
consistent with profits to him. If I go to a woollen house 
in Worth Street, I try to ascertain what my competitor 
is paying for these goods, and then I try to get a little 


lower rate. Upon my getting that lower rate or not 
will perhaps depend the success or failure of that par- 
ticular merchant. In other words, private business men 
can succeed only by playing off one man against another. 
That is the meaning of getting the best rates available. 

While this is the normal and necessary condition in 
ordinary economic life, it becomes bad instead of good 
when applied to a quasi-public enterprise, because the 
fundamental condition of all such quasi- public institu- 
tions is that consumers shall be put on the same level. 
It is just the opposite principle of what we have in 
ordinary business. Ordinary competitive enterprise 
means the preferring of the one over the other. The 
transportation business, which is primarily a quasi- 
public business, if it is to be conducted on the principle 
of social utility, means putting everybody on the same 
level. The only competition which is permissible in 
transportation is not a competition as to rates but a com- 
petition as to efficiency of service ; whereas in ordinary 
business life competition includes not only competition 
in efficiency but also competition in rates. Hence the 
conclusion that competition is not applicable to the 
transportation business in the same sense that it is to 
ordinary enterprise. The sole meaning of the social 
control of the transportation business is to preserve the 
advantages of competition in facilities while doing away 
with that of competition in rates. But this by no means 
necessarily implies government management. 

When we come finally to the so-called municipal 
monopolies, it will be seen that the consideration of the 
same general principles would lead to a conclusion in 
harmony with those already arrived at. In the case of 
the water supply, the arguments are largely in favor of 
municipal ownership and management. The social 
interests are of the utmost importance and there is 
almost no complexity of management. When once the 


aqueduct and the water pipes are ready, all that is neces- 
sary is to regulate the pressure from time to time, which 
can be done under the charge of any competent engi- 
neer. Of course, with the growth of cities in size, the 
capital involved would become increasingly greater 
until, as in the case of the new scheme for the addition 
to the water supply of New York, tens of millions of 
dollars may be required. On the other hand, however, 
it must be remembered that here, as in the case of con- 
struction of new piers or docks, charges or rents can 
easily be fixed at such a point that, without unduly 
burdening the public, they will be sufficient to defray 
not only the running expense but also the interest on 
the debt and what is needed in the way of an amortization 
quota to fund the debt. Recent documents have shown 
that in the period from 1890 to 1898 alone the total profit 
of the Croton water supply of New York, over and above 
all expense of maintenance, amounted to almost $14,- 
000,000, a fact which may be used in support of the 
proposition that water charges for residence purposes, 
at all events, should be still further reduced in New 
York. The argument in favor of municipal water own- 
ership is thus strong. It will therefore not surprise us that 
the tendency toward municipalization of the water sup- 
ply is a great and growing one in the United States. 
Over fifty -three per cent, of all water plants in the 
country are now in the hands of local governments. 

In the case of the gas business the matter is more 
complicated. The social interests indeed are wide- 
spread, but not so overwhelmingly important as in the 
case of water. For, while everyone needs water, gas is 
only one among many methods of illumination. Sec- 
ondly, the complexity of management is considerably 
greater than in the case of the water supply. The 
stimulus of private initiative is needed to a far greater 
extent in order that the management may avail itself of 


the continual improvements in the process, thus leading 
to a reduction of cost. In the one great example of 
municipal gas ownership that we have had in the United 
States, namely, in Philadelphia, the results were satis- 
factory neither to the treasury nor to the consumer. 
Whatever may be said of the methods employed by the 
private monopoly to which the city of Philadelphia has 
farmed out the management of the gas service for a term 
of years, there is little doubt that both the consumer 
and the city treasury have profited to a considerable 

In the case of the electric light, the arguments in 
favor of municipal ownership are perhaps somewhat more 
convincing, at all events in those smaller towns where 
natural conditions favor the situation, and where the 
outlay is relatively inconsiderable. The complexity of 
management is largely minimized, but even here con- 
siderable care must be observed. 

Finally, in the case of street railways, the argu- 
ments in favor of municipal management are less strong 
than in either the water or the electric light supply. 
For here, although the complexity of management is 
by no means so great as in the steam railway, it is of 
far more importance than it would be in the case of the 
telegraph, the telephone, or water works. It is very 
unlikely that the municipal authorities of any 
American city would have had the courage to under- 
take such great revolutions in the methods of transpor- 
tation as have been successfully inaugurated and com- 
pleted during the past few years in our chief cities. 
Not only is this true, but the capital involved is so tre- 
mendous that, without complete changes in our whole 
system of constitutional limitations, it would be entirely 
out of the question for our American cities to burden 
themselves with the gigantic debts that would be neces- 
sary to carry out the scheme. The far safer plan, for 


the immediate future at all events, seems to lie in the 
direction of safeguarding the public interests through 
governmental regulation, rather than through govern- 
mental management. And even if government owner- 
ship be decided upon, every argument would be in 
favor of following the plan of the underground rapid 
transit scheme in New York, namely, government 
ownership but private management under conditions 
fixed by the municipality, which should cover at once 
the social interests of the community, the needs of the 
treasury and the relations between the corporation and 
its employees. In this way the best features of each 
system could be retained. 

We see then, that in the consideration of this ques- 
tion we must not be led away by preconceived notions 
on either side. The outcry of socialism is utterly be- 
side the mark, for in enterprises of the kind contem- 
plated in this paper, the principle of free competition 
cannot possibly apply. Where the industry is neces- 
sarily a monopoly, the only choice is ;between a public 
monopoly and a private monopoly under social regula- 
tion. No one should be frightened by,the bugaboo of 
socialism. It is a question for final decision after a 
careful weighing of the arguments for and'against ; and, 
in such a complicated problem as this, good arguments 
will be found on either side. But, above all, it must 
be remembered that the problem is not simply the ab- 
stract one of the general limits of governmental activi- 
ty, but the very concrete problem ^'as^to how far the 
practical political conditions in any particular country 
permit of the realization of the ideal. We may all agree, 
for instance, that in these enterprises, whether they 
are called quasi-public businesses or public.service cor- 
porations, the public element is the preponderant one. 
We may all concur in the belief that even where it 
seems desirable to retain for the time the management 


of such enterprises in private hands the period may 
come when the advantages to be derived from social 
control of private management may be outweighed by 
the benefits of direct governmental operation. Yet in 
a democracy it is always wise to make haste slowly and 
to refrain from taking a leap in the dark. If 
there is any truth in the historical tendency men- 
tioned at the beginning of this paper, it is more than 
likely that the future how remote a future we cannot 
tell has in store for us a complete transference of 
quasi-public enterprises to the public itself. But until 
the general political and economic conditions are ripe 
for such a wholesale change, the probable result would 
be the realization of an abstract principle at the cost of 
efficiency and progress. That social control of quasi- 
public enterprises will in the near future receive a 
marked development is beyond any question. But 
it is not until social control has been tested and 
found wanting, that in the case of some of the distinctly 
municipal monopolies we shall be ready for the further 
step of public management. 


Dictation is government by force. Throughout 
the history of advancing society there has been a more 
or less continuous struggle to eliminate the dictator, to 
supersede dictation by representation. The effect of 
dictatorship is demoralizing even to the dictator him- 
self, because it lacks the moral influence of responsible 
accountability. Human progress has not yet produced 
a type of being perfect enough to exercise the power of 
dictator without degenerating into an oppressive 
despot. Dictation and democracy, therefore, are in- 
compatible; they are mortal enemies of each other. 
This is true in every sphere of social life, and, just as 
fast as the conscious demand for freedom and the 
capacity to exercise it advances, the tendency to super- 
sede dictation by representation increases. Sometimes 
it requires a revolution, sometimes it comes by the less 
violent means of gradual evolution, but it always comes 
wherever civilization advances. The advance of this 
representative principle in government has been the 
conspicuous feature in the political progress of the 
nineteenth century. In Europe it began in England 
with the first reform bill and gradually extended from 
class to class until it finally embraced the masses, and, 
for the major portion of the political institutions, prac- 
tically established democracy. In various degrees this 
principle of representation has extended to every 
country in Europe with the exception of Russia and 
Turkey. There dictation still remains supreme. 

In this country our institutions are founded en- 
tirely upon the theory of representation. Dictation is 
an element obnoxious to the very nature and character 
of our institutions, but, as dictation is the prime ele- 
ment in all ante-democratic institutions, it naturally 


824 G UNTON 'S MA GAZINJS [April, 

asserts itself wherever the democratic principle is not 
sufficiently safeguarded to prevent it. In the develop- 
ment and perfection of democratic government in this 
country, therefore, it has been a more or less constant 
struggle to maintain the practical operation of the 
democratic principle. With every new phase of na- 
tional development, creating new conditions and rela- 
tions, the ever latent force of dictation asserts itself. 
It showed itself in industry, not merely in slavery but 
in all phases of factory and mercantile development. 
The concentrated organization of industry, the develop- 
ment of cities, the creation of large enterprises, all 
tended to produce new societary conditions and rela- 
tions, and with every such new step the lack of experi- 
ence was taken advantage of for the assertion of the 
power of the dictator. The struggle to preserve the 
idea of freedom, in fact as well as theory, has made an 
immense amount of protective legislation necessary 
along all the lines of social and industrial life. The 
rights and opportunities of the people to assert their 
desires, to organize and act for their own interests and 
be recognized by representation, have had to be 
defined and protected in an infinite variety of ways; 
in fact, in every phase of life where progress has 
produced new and more complex conditions. The 
guarantee of education, domestic sanitation, restriction 
of hours of labor in which women and children shall 
be employed in factories, shops and mines, the rights 
of the laborers to organize in trade unions, the rights of 
the people to act for and by themselves, are all a part 
of the constant movement in progressive society to 
eliminate the dictator and establish freedom and repre- 
sentation as the ruling principle. 

In politics the representative principle has been 
more definitely recognized in theory but it has con- 
stantly encountered the powers of dictation in practice. 


It is the spirit and purpose of the written constitution 
as well as the unwritten theory of this republic that in 
all its branches and subdivisions the government shall 
be the representative of the people, that the represen- 
tation shall be actual from top to bottom, from begin- 
ning to end. As already observed, the growth of 
industrial institutions and civic life brought new condi- 
tions and forces which militated against the free opera- 
tion of this representative principle, and in every 
instance dictation asserted itself. To correct this 
tendency and safeguard the democratic principle, sev- 
eral experiments of special legislation have been neces- 
sary. For instance, in the early days of the republic, 
before large industrial interests arose, open voting was 
an easy way of providing for the free exercise of the 
suffrage, but with the growth of special interests and 
development of a large wage class an element of 
coercive dictatorship arose, and organized efforts were 
made to use the power of employment to control the 
votes of the employed. This gradually came to be the 
substitution of dictation for representative election. 
For, while the form of voting remained, the freedom 
of the voter was gone. As this extended, discontent 
arose, protests were heard and at first punished by dis- 
charge and other penalties which could be secretly 
inflicted. Ultimately the protest against dictation, 
economic and political, culminated in protecting the 
citizen's right to vote by arming him with a secret bal- 
lot which neither employer, neighbor, creditor nor 
politician could intrude upon. Thus, by protecting 
the right of the citizens, the principle of democracy 
was extended to the ballot box. 

This took many years, and many forms of experi- 
ment were adopted to accomplish the result. The dic- 
tator with larger resources and strong motives was 
constantly inventing new devices to circumvent the 


protection afforded the citizen. Here, as in the protec- 
tive industrial legislation, the first effort was usually a 
failure, loopholes in the laws were frequently found, 
so that amendment after amendment was necessary in 
every step of such legislation before real protection to 
the individual was secured. For instance, it took ten 
years of amendment upon amendment for the ten-hour 
law for women and children in Massachusetts to be 
effective. The word " wilful " had been inserted, so 
that the law-breaking corporation could escape the 
penalty by saying it did not know and hence did not 
" wilfully " break the law. So with the ballot. Many 
forms of ballots were tried in different states before 
effective protection to the voters could be secured by 
giving a secret ballot that was practical ; namely, one 
which would not confuse the voter and defeat the object 
of the law. Finally, however, this has been substan- 
tially accomplished in the larger part of the United 
States and in England also. But here again, the prin- 
ciple of dictation, ever struggling for an opportunity 
to assert itself, has found a new field of operation. 
Driven from the polls by a long series of amended and 
reamended efforts of the people, it has concentrated 
itself upon the primaries. 

Having lost the power to control elections, the dic- 
tator now concentrates his efforts upon the nominations. 
Under our party system this is scarcely less effective 
and in some respects more dangerous to public inter- 
ests than was the more open coercion at the polls. In 
controlling the nomination of candidates to political 
office, the party boss becomes a veritable despot. This 
dangerous power is exercised in two important direc- 
tions : 

First ; by dictating the nomination through the co- 
ercive use of patronage he destroys the rights of citi- 
zenship and thereby discourages the people from taking 

i 9 oi.] DOOM OF THE DICTA TOR 327 

any active interest in the primaries. The result is that 
practically nobody except agents of the " organization" 
attend the primaries, except under rare instances of 
special excitement. The whole slate is prepared be- 
fore the primaries are held, and the primary and ulti- 
mately the convention is reduced to a formal confirma- 
tion of the dictator's will. This has been so completely 
reduced to a system that the public despair of accom- 
plishing anything except by a herculean effort, and 
consequently respectable citizens with no other motive 
than performing their public duty have ceased to at- 
tend the primaries. 

Second ; another effect of this dictatorship in the 
primaries is to give the political boss unlimited power 
of blackmail. By controlling the nomination of candi- 
dates to the legislature he can dictate the legislation. 
This gives him the power to " bleed " business men 
and corporations in fabulous amounts. If they do not 
pay the blood money he has the power to enact injuri- 
ous legislation against them, and in the desire to move 
in the line of the least resistance they pay the tax as a 
means of protection. This forced tribute from business 
men again further increases the power of the boss, by 
enabling him "personally" to contribute to the cam- 
paign expenses of needy candidates, thus further seal- 
ing their subjection to his dictation. 

It is through this power that Mr. PJatt is able to 
say before the legislature meets what legislation will 
be adopted. Before the present legislature was con- 
vened and before the members of either branch had 
any ideas on the subject, Mr. Platt announced that a 
police bill would be passed before the end of February, 
and it was. The members of the legislature had noth- 
ing to say about it, their function was to obey or re- 
ceive their political death warrant. The effectiveness 
of this method was illustrated when Mr. Platt was made 


United States senator, it could hardly be called an 
election. He wanted a unanimous vote, and there were 
seven members of the legislature who were so far mis- 
taken as to imagine that they had the right to disobey 
this injunction and vote for another candidate. In 
pursuance of this erroneous notion they voted for Mr. 
Joseph H. Choate instead of Mr. Thomas C. Platt, and 
they all paid the penalty for harboring such false notions. 
Every one of them died at the threshold of the primary, 
not one was permitted to have a renomination, so as to 
receive the approval or disapproval of his constituents. 
They offended the dictator, which was the unpardonable 
sin for which only political death was the penalty. 

At the last election this method was worked with 
marvelous accuracy. Despite the popular demand for 
]\Ir. Coler for governor, Mr. Croker at the eleventh 
hour gave forth the edict that Coler must not be nomi- 
nated. He apparently had no special candidate to name ; 
the edict was, whomsoever you please except Coler, 
and Coler was not nominated. In the republican con- 
vention a similar edict went forth in favor of Mr. Odell. 
Once in a lifetime a tidal wave arises which the boss 
cannot control, as in the case of Roosevelt, but in ninety 
out of a hundred cases the edict is effective. 

In one congressional district in New York city the 
boss was late in making up his mind on a candidate, 
and, the orders not having been effectively promulgated, 
the people elected delegates to a convention with near- 
ly 40 majority for a candidate of their own choice ; but 
the boss subsequently decided that another man must 
have the nomination, and, through the methods of 
rewards and punishments by giving and taking away 
offices, this majority was effectively turned into a mi- 

Another illustration of the far-reaching and effec- 

* See Lecture Bulletin, February 15, 1901. 


tive use of this power is now being enacted in Pennsyl- 
vania. There are two or three cities in Pennsylvania 
which have not been entirely subordinated to the Quay 
machine. Being utterly unable to reach them through 
public opinion he ordered his legislature to pass a 
law abolishing the office of mayor in second-class cities, 
and providing that the duties be performed by a ' ' re- 
corder," who was to be appointed by the governor. 
Of course, the act defines what constitutes second-class 
cities, and it exactly fits the municipalities which so far 
forgot their duty as not to elect Quay mayors, for which 
they are to be punished by disfranchisement. If they 
do not know enough to let the dictator select their 
mayor, they shall not have one, but shall be governed 
by a recorder appointed by a Quay governor. 

Nothing has occurred since the dawn of parliamen- 
tary government which so boldly and ruthlessly tram- 
pled down the principle of representation as this Penn- 
sylvania performance. There have been coercions and 
briberies and intimidations, England had her rotten 
boroughs and all the degrees of corruption, but never 
before was a political dictator bold enough and bad 
enough openly to legislate away the right of a munici- 
pality to elect a mayor, because it did not permit the 
election to be dictated by him. 

But New York and Pennsylvania are not alone in 
this experience ; it is comparatively general, especially 
in large cities throughout the country. The boss is the 
bane of American politics, and he is operating by simi- 
lar methods with varying success from one end of the 
country to the other. Upon the principle that the same 
cause tends to produce the same effect, similar evils call 
for similar remedies. Nothing more clearly indicates 
the naturalness and the ultimate necessity of a social 
reform than the fact that it is simultaneously demanded 
by different communities without organized concert 


with each other. The corruption and intimidation at 
the polls under the open-voting system was an evil as- 
sociated with the unprotected popular vote; consequent- 
ly, it arose wherever popular open voting took place ; 
in Australia, in England and in the United States. In 
the natural tendency to counteract this evil, experi- 
ments were made in the different countries and in the 
different states to devise a workable system of 
secret or protected voting. The people of Aus- 
tralia were the first to discover the effec- 
tive method, and the Australian ballot is now well-nigh 
universally used. It has become obvious to students of 
popular government and honest elections that the same 
protection furnished by the secret ballot at the polls 
must be applied to the primaries. The people of New 
York city, who have recently been shocked by an over- 
dose of boss dictation, are awakening to the fact that, 
to insure approximate integrity of popular government, 
the nomination as well as the election of candidates for 
public office must be put into the hands of the people; 
in short, that the convention, the seat of boss manipula- 
tion, must be abolished and direct nomination by the 
people substituted in its place. 

The very naturalness of this step is here again con- 
firmed by the fact that the same causes are producing 
the same effects and the same evils are suggesting the 
same remedies throughout the country. The righteous 
demand for direct nominations, which is just now stir- 
ring the people of New York city, is revealing 
itself in numerous other states : Kentucky, Missouri, 
Kansas, Ohio and Pennsylvania have all been stirred 
by and are experimenting with this question. Last 
year Minnesota adopted a law for direct nominations, 
and now the state of Wisconsin is shaken to its center 
by a popular demand for the same reform, which is now 
before the legislature. It is clear that the evil arises 

i 9 oi.] DOOM OF THE DICTA TOR 331 

out of the nature of the system, since its existence is 
coextensive with the system. The only efficient remedy 
is to take the power of nomination away from the dic- 
tator and give it to the people. 

The people are honest. They have no motive for 
corruption and jobbery, but every motive for honest, 
wholesome and clean government. Put nominations 
in the hands of the people and protect the citizens in 
their nominating duties and the power of the boss will 
be gone. Here as everywhere else, experimentation is 
the road to perfection. The enemy will be ever-present 
in trying to render every such measure imperfect. It 
is the universal experience in government that, when 
the demand fora measure cannot be suppressed, the 
aim is to defeat the object by making the law ineffective. 
This has been the experience with every step in indus- 
trial and social legislation when the interests of any 
powerful class were arrayed against it, and curiously 
enough it has been the experience with the experiments 
on this subject of direct nominations. Laws have been 
passed in several states, aiming to give direct nomina- 
tions, but they have had many defects. They have 
been, in short, partial experiments toward the evolu- 
tion of a practicable and workable measure. New York 
has the benefit of that experience. Like the Australian 
ballot, the principle is sound, it is only the machinery 
for its application that needs perfecting.* 

In New York state some important preparatory 
legislation has already been secured. There was a pe- 
culiar kind of vileness in New York; namely, the 
fraudulent packing of the rolls of the primaries, so that 
not only the boss could dictate but, if there was any 
danger of defeat, he could get the aid of the boss of the 
other party. The rolls of the republican primaries 
could be padded by names of democrats and vice versa. 
*See Lecture Bulletin, March 15, 1901, 


To meet this evil a very comprehensive and thorough 
primary law has been adopted in New York state, which 
provides for the careful enrolment of the voters in the 
respective parties and makes indiscriminate passage 
from one party primary to the other practically impos- 
sible. All this has been first-class preparation for the 
adoption of direct nominations. It has practically 
solved the difficulties which the experiments in other 
states have encountered. To have nominations for 
public offices made directly by the people, under the 
protection of the secret ballot, is the next important 
step in political progress. The death of the dictator is 
essential to the life of democracy. 



Men and women of serious intent know no more 
inspiring words than reform, development, progress. 
These are the watchwords of the advocates of woman 
suffrage, and it is hard to resist their summons. 

We anti- suffragists stand therefore at a disadvan- 
tage, seeming at first sight to be merely in opposition, 
always a difficult and ungracious position, while the 
suffragists seem positive and progressive. In reality, 
however, it is they who oppose progress, in disregard- 
ing the conclusions of the long struggle for civilization, 
while we desire to advance the race along the lines of 
its development hitherto, sure that in evolution, not 
revolution, lies the safety of our country. 

We advocate the highest advancement of the whole 
race, especially of women, in so far as their interests 
can be considered apart from those of men. We be- 
lieve that woman suffrage would retard human progress 
that it would introduce unforeseen complications into 
our social system, already too complicated above all, 
that it would bring new burdens upon woman just as 
she is outgrowing her former disabilities and enjoying 
new opportunities congenial to her nature. 

The old notion of "woman's sphere,'' narrowed 
to the round of domestic duties, is obsolete, and a 
woman may unchallenged do anything right and suited 
to her capacities. We differ from the suffragists more 
in methods than in ideals of usefulness, regarding them 
as radicals who would risk dangerous experiments and 
endanger the true proportions of life. 

The movement for woman suffrage, a legacy from 


the civil war, furnishes an outlet to able and restless 
women, not contented with ordinary mental and physi- 
cal occupations. These women, deploring the blunders 
and corruption under male suffrage, feel quite as com- 
petent as men to deal with economic problems and po- 
litical situations. They forget that the practical hand- 
ling of these problems differs entirely from the theoretic 
treatment of the same ; that it is not for themselves 
alone or for their equals in ability and patriotism that 
they ask full suffrage, an overturn of nature and of 
government, but also for the vast number of women not 
similarly inspired. 

Anti- suffragists especially urge upon all women a 
broad and intelligent knowledge of public affairs. 
Whatever makes for righteousness in social, national 
or international matters profoundly concerns woman, 
that she may be an enlightened citizen and wisely in- 
fluence the opinions of children and of men with whom 
she is in daily and friendly relations, adding to her 
naturally keen intuition the subtle discrimination that 
comes of training. 

We welcome all efforts to help women to intellect- 
ual freedom, but with power comes responsibility and 
they must know how to use their freedom. We weave 
a new tyranny about ourselves if we assume more obli- 
gations than we are equal to, or responsibilities more 
fitly left to those better adapted to bear them, both by 
nature and experience. Education and opportunity for 
women have no necessary connection with the ballot. 
The path trodden by men is not conclusively the only 
road for women. 

A recent writer has well said that, though it is still 
undetermined how far woman's needs and activities 
should be bounded by sex limitations, "no system of 
education can be comprehensive and satisfactory which 
leaves out of account the primary dividing principle;" 


that there is "a division of labor upon lines of sex dis- 
tinctly marked far down in the animal world.'' It does 
not follow that because the interests of men and women 
are identical their functions should therefore be identi- 
cal. If they were, our civilization would become 
dwarfed and one-sided. As education is primarily a 
1 'training for power, ' ' it should be for the advantage of 
the normal relations of educated men and women in 
ordinary households where "the constant exchange of 
services and interaction of functions make the whole 
into an organism. That education is best for the two 
sexes which emphasizes difference, rather than that 
which obliterates it. Either, sex is an appalling 
blunder, or else it must have been intended that each 
sex should have its own work to do, not merely in the 
physical economy of the race but also in the social and 
intellectual world,'' to which we would add, the politi- 
cal world. 

The present conditions of society have been reached 
only through a gradual development. The arrange- 
ment is not perfect, but it can be improved only slowly, 
and any fundamental upsetting of this slow progress 
must be mischievous to the body politic. There must 
be good reason for the present arrangement, as it con- 
forms to two fundamental laws governing the social 
organism: the physiological division of labor, and the co- 
operation of dissimilars for mutual benefit. 

The suffragists defy these elementary and funda- 
mental laws of nature in demanding the ballot as a 
remedy for the present evident social evils. Instead of 
specialization they put wilful individualism, and instead 
of cooperation wasteful duplication. To my mind our 
strongest hope lies here ; for they who defy natural law 
inevitably in the end suffer overwhelming defeat. 

Dr. Felix Adler, in saying that extravagant liberty 
and wholly untrammeled individualism are at the 

336 G UNTON'S MA GAZINE [April, 

bottom of the curse of divorce, strikes trie keynote of 
most of our social evils. It is because too many of us 
disregard our duties and responsibilities to society in 
its ethical sense that women consider themseves un- 
righteously restricted. 

The development of the race has been a steady 
growth in specialization; from the differentiation of 
tissues in the lower forms of life, producing different 
organs with different functions ; on through the division 
of labor which makes man an important member of a 
community instead of an isolated savage ; up to the 
wonderful complexity of our modern life in which each 
man or woman, filling his or her special niche, has in- 
terests inextricably interdependent with those of count- 
less other men and women. The outcry about "the 
subjection of women'* seems to have little other foun- 
dation than the unreasoning longing of a child for what 
it has not. 

" In Mr. Herbert Spencer's view," says Professor 
Giddings, "society is an organism not in mere fanci- 
ful analogy, and not morally only, but physiologically 
as well, because in its constitution there is a division of 
labor that extends beyond individuals to groups and 
organizations of individuals. There is a sustaining 
system made up of individual groups ; a distributing 
system made up of commercial activities ; and a regu- 
lating system, made up of political and religious 
agencies. Mr. Spencer takes much pains to show that 
the ethical progress and happiness of mankind are con- 
ditioned by this functional organization of society. The 
medium in which the highest development of person- 
ality is possible is a society having a specialized 
constitution, and presenting many degrees of com- 
position. The individual must have a definite part in 
the divisions of labor and in the common life of the 
nation, the local community and the family. 


" Whether his daily duty identifies him (i) with 
productive industry, or (2) with directive functions, or 
(3) with the extension of knowledge and the spiritual- 
ization of life, the individual is affected by all these 
interests if there is no derangement of the social organ- 
ization. Those economic writers are mistaken who see 
only an economic gain in the division of labor, and deny 
that it can be 'morally and mentally beneficial to in- 
dividuals. The division of labor gives a definite end 
to life. It ensures a definite discipline and that minute 
thoroughness which every investigator knows is one of 
the essential conditions of a rational mental habit. At 
the same time it releases men from their tasks to enjoy 
more hours of leisure than they could otherwise 

Equality does not necessarily mean similarity of 
functions, and the suffrage agitation is a retrograde 
movement, which carried to its logical conclusion would 
take the race back towards the condition in which no 
sex characteristics existed. For, the farther back we 
go in the scale of animal development, the less is 
the difference between the sexes, until we reach 
primitive forms of life in which sex is indistinguish- 
able. Women in civilized nations differ more from the 
men about them than do those in savage tribes, history 
here confirming the teachings of evolution. Parkman 
says : ' * The social power of women has grown with the 
growth of civilization, but their political power has 
diminished. In former times and under low social 
conditions women had a degree of power in public 
affairs unknown in the foremost nations of the modern 
world. The most savage tribes on this continent, the 
Six Nations of New York, listened in solemn assembly 
to the counsels of its matrons, with a deference that 
has no parallel among its civilized successors. Four 
hundred years before Christ the question of giving 


power to women was agitated among the most civilized 
of ancient peoples, the Athenians, and they would not 
follow the example of their barbarian neighbours." 
This movement for full suffrage, therefore, seems his- 
torically to be in a backward direction. 

Moreover, the women of to-day are gainers by this 
process of specialization, as we are free to fill our time 
with the occupations for which we are best fitted. Not 
only is economy of time and effort thus achieved, but 
the quality of the work done is far higher, the best 
strength being given to a limited range, which would 
be impossible if both men and women of superior ability 
should devote themselves chiefly to the same social 
interest. Specialization may lead to narrowness, but 
the workers of the world will rightly prefer the ex- 
cellence resulting from intensified effort to breadth with 
shallowness. The jack-of-all-trades is proverbially 
master of none. 

Moreover, the extreme specialists will probably be 
only a moderate number in the realm either of mind or 
of matter. More men and women are needed capable 
of appreciating and enjoying the fruits of specialized 
study. Women particularly will represent this general 
culture. Dr. Adler has said, in effect, that the history 
of the world has taught us that while the feminine 
mind on the whole (we must make laws for the average 
and not for exceptions) is less original than the mascu- 
line mind, yet women do an equally necessary and 
difficult service to mankind in their finer, keener 
aptitude for criticism. They discriminate, not only 
more quickly but more subtly, between the important 
and the unimportant, the suitable and the unsuitable. 
This implies no mental inferiority ; to sift the chaff, to 
select qualities and results, the true critical function, 
often confers on an original creation all its practical 


In an ideal society men and women choose their 
occupations to suit both individual and sex fitness ; 
wherever this is impossible energy is lost. Many 
occupations fall naturally to one sex or the other 
because of special fitness or unfitness. Men should do 
all the work calling for great physical strength, con- 
tinued exposure, or long absence from home ; in general, 
work involving the combative powers. Women must, 
on the other hand, take care of the children and home ; 
they must do most of the teaching and nursing. Many 
other occupations may be entered by men and women 
with equal advantage, except that women are constantly 
handicapped by their peculiar physical limitations, a 
point which most suffragists ignore. 

Women have every opportunity that men have for 
intellectual development and public usefulness, except 
in government and war. To counterbalance these 
limitations, women have at least two functions that men 
have not, bearing children and training them, functions 
obviously quite as important as politics or military 
service. A third function may be added, for women 
have so far captured the direction of primary education 
that there are few men left teaching in elementary 

As has often been said, if men have proved such 
poor lawmakers as the suffragists assert, the mothers of 
the nations should prove that they can train their sons 
better before demanding the responsibility of the ballot. 
In any case it remains for the suffragists to show why it is 
such a supreme disadvantage to women to be free from 
the conduct of government and of war. Why should 
women sacrifice the privilege of untrammeled opinions, 
disinterested work and effective influence for the heated 
debate and bitter struggle for recognition and office 
which are such a ordeal for men in public life? 

The suffragists assert that probably not more than 


ten women in a hundred would care for active partici- 
pation in politics. There are grave objections to grant 
ing the suffrage for the use of so small a proportion of 
the sex. These ten women in each hundred are prob- 
ably the ablest and most ambitious of their group, 
women needed for the more important work of training 
children, or for boards of philanthropy and reform where 
the disinterested work of women tells enormously, sim- 
ply because disinterested. Woman's power in matters 
of public reform is much greater because she cannot be 
accused of having any selfish or ulterior motive. She 
is known to be working simply to right abuses, and to 
protect poor and defeated members of society; if she 
wins, it is the triumph of justice, her cause is human- 
ity's. But the necessary corollary of the ballot is eligi- 
bility to office, and there would always be voices to accuse 
of interested motives the woman voter contending for 
reform. It is absurd to say that the women on public 
philanthropical and educational boards are in politics, 
and that they have therefore shown their political capa- 
bilities already. The struggle in Boston in 1896 to 
separate politics from its public charitable, correctional, 
and reform institutions refutes any such statement. 

If only ten women in a hundred used the suffrage 
wisely, there would be ninety in each hundred to swell 
the ranks of the indifferent, which means uninstructed, 
voters, of whom we have far too many among men. 
Moreover, many of these inactive women voters would 
be more than uninstructed ; they would be ignorant and 
and unconscientious, some of them vicious. 

Women would have not only to cast a vote but to 
attend fand watch primaries, caucuses, conventions. 
Many men do not do this, but unless women are to 
improve matters it is futile to double the present vote. 

Our trouble lies in calling women a distinct class, and 
in regarding the question from the point of view of the 


individual rather than of the whole state and nation. 
The men and women of a given stratum of society form 
one class together ; for men and women living together, 
whether in tenements or palaces, are not antagonistic 
nor even indifferent to each other's welfare. It is only 
in comparing the exceptional woman with the average 
man, or the educated and public- spirited woman with 
the ignorant laborer that we get an apparent basis for 
equal suffrage. The whole agitation is founded upon 
a misapprehension of the social unit, which is not the 
individual but the family, of which each part contributes 
its share to the general good. 

Those who argue that women would purify politics 
think of women of the higher type, more conscientious 
than men of less education and lower moral standards. 
But the vote of this kind of woman does not replace 
that of an idle, worthless man. If she votes, so does 
he, and the women of his family. Where is the gain 
of doubling the vote without improving its quality ? 

If woman's vote would purify politics, it would 
seem worth while to run the risk of revolution and to 
controvert the laws of nature. But why should it so 
operate? In their eagerness for the suffrage, women 
have descended to the arts of the ward politician. That 
arch-demagogue once governor of Massachusetts was 
supported by their leading journal because he declared 
in their favor. They offer themselves to every party 
convention promising adherence to whichever party will 
gain them the ballot, and a still darker feature is the 
female lobby said to be always working with insidious 
arts behind the scenes at Washington and at state capi- 
tals. Women are no wiser, purer, or more unselfish, 
politically, than men of their own class. The purifica- 
tion of politics by woman must come by her constant 
upholding of the highest standards. Free from the 
confusion of political strife, anxious only for the right, 


"seeing straight and thinking clear," she has a far 
nobler field of power than if she were struggling in the 
dust and smoke of the battle. 

Let us now consider the second great principle 
governing the social organism, the "cooperation of 
dissimilars," which is fundamentally nature's wise use 
of the first great principle, "the physiological divis- 
ion of labor." Just as that is specially directed toward 
the perfection of the individual, this is a united effort 
for the improvement of the mass. The differing quality 
of mind in the sexes makes their cooperation upon all 
social and philanthropic problems not only important 
but necessary for the best results. We here observe 
the beautiful law of proportion as opposed to the waste- 
ful duplication of effort. 

On this very ground it is urged that, if men and 
women are mutually helpful on boards of reform and 
education, they will be equally so in the ward room and 
the legislature. The suffragists ask: "What special 
fitness is there in the average male voter that the laws 
of division of labor and cooperation of dissimilars are 
obeyed in excluding women from the franchise?" We 
answer: "Men rather than women have always been 
the voters of a community, not because of superior 
judgment or higher moral sense, but because their sex 
stands in general for the physical strength that can 
enforce its decisions." 

Since women are in many ways less fitted for pub- 
lic life than men, here is a satisfactory division of labor 
brought about by sex, saving for women much precious 
time and many precious qualities. At the same time, 
our second great law is observed through the coopera- 
tion of these dissimilars by different methods for a 
common end. As Dr. T. T. Munger says, women have 
not what is technically known as the legal mind, while 
it is equally true that men lack the delicate and sensi- 


tive perceptions of women. Men are therefore more 
fitted for public life, and women for personal and 
domestic relations. 

Much of the alleged unfitness of women for public 
life could undoubtedly be eradicated by proper educa- 
tion during the impressible period of youth. It will, 
however, always be true that women are more delicately 
organized than men, more quickly stirred emotionally 
and imaginatively. In political life women cannot 
acquire control of their emotions or the necessary prac- 
tical training in public morals and manners; such 
training must be largely obtained before the age of 
twenty- one, and the arena of politics is plainly the last 
place in which to secure it. 

Has political life trained our men to such lofty 
ideals of public honor, such impartial administration of 
justice, such habits of calm and fair discussion that we 
wish to entrust to its turmoil the impetuous and ardent 
nature of woman? Secretary Gage has said by news- 
paper report: "The increasing emotionalism which 
characterizes American politics is one of our greatest 
dangers, the tendency for great floods and waves of 
feeling to sweep over the community, and to carry 
thousands and millions with them into a sudden cur- 
rent. What we need is less emotionalism in politics, 
not more; I think," he concluded, "that the sudden 
admission of women into political life would greatly 
aggravate this danger." 

Men admit that there is no career equal to politics 
for tense feeling and nervous wear. It demands the 
greatest coolness and deliberation, complete detach- 
ment from the personal view; and it demands these 
ready-made, it is not a school for developing them. 
Women do not need politics to incite them to cultivate 
their sense of public duty ; they are, no less than men, 
bound to serve the state, and able to serve it wisely. 


" The end of government is the good of mankind," said 
Locke, and that good can be attained only by convey- 
ing all the various forces of the race toward the common 
end. The contribution of women toward this end, 
while equally essential, is necessarily unlike that of 

To conclude as we began : If women are eager to 
do their share in aiding the reform, development, prog- 
ress of the world about them, they do not need the 
suffrage. The progress of nature herself has brought 
us to the present condition of a ' ' physiological division 
of labor;" we are strongest when working in accord- 
ance with the laws of our own being ; we have every 
opportunity to do all the work that our individual and 
sex limitations permit ; while our best contribution to 
the political welfare of our country is not the same as 
that of man, but the cooperation of our dissimilar gifts 
with his for our mutual benefit and that of the state of 
which all are members. ' ' We are all members of one 
body, but all the members have not the same office." 


The prime object of a protective tariff is to render 
encouragement to the development and prosperity of 
domestic industries. It is to furnish to the capital and 
labor of the country the full advantages of the home 
market. This very importance of a protective policy 
to the welfare of the nation carries with it a correspond- 
ing responsibility for its wise and non-offensive admin- 
istration. This necessarily calls for a high degree of 
administrative ability as well as integrity. In the 
hands of incompetent officers, appointed for their 
caucus -packing and convention-manipulating abilities 
instead of business capacity and integrity, a tariff law 
may easily be made an intolerable nuisance alike to 
business men and the traveling public. In the very 
nature of things a tariff law is inquisitorial : it pries 
into the private belongings of citizens ; it goes behind 
their locks and even to the inspection of their pockets. 
This naturally opens the door for bribery, insolence 
and the infliction of various kinds of inconvenience and 
indignity upon individuals. Nothing is so well calcu- 
lated to bring a tariff policy into disrepute and 
strengthen the hands of the advocates of free trade as 
maladministration by a collector of customs revenue. 

If the present administration of the New York 
custom house had been organized for the special pur- 
pose of bringing the tariff into disgrace and laying the 
foundation for a successful attack upon protection it 
could hardly have been directed with more success. 
Every arriving steamer from Europe seems to cause a 
commotion which furnishes the press another text on 
the harassing of travelers and the irritating incon- 
veniences imposed upon everybody having either 
friends or merchandise coming into the country. 



A few weeks ago an order was issued excluding all 
friends of incoming passengers from the docks and 
preventing them from speaking to their friends until 
after the baggage had been examined and passed upon. 
This has become so scandalously offensive to the public 
that the assistant secretary of the treasury has felt 
called upon to explain. As a reason for this order he 

" Evidence has reached the department tending to show that for a 
considerable period of time the government revenues have been de- 
frauded by the failure on the part of some inspectors at New York to 
perform their plain duty. Unquestionably considerable quantities of 
millinery, dress goods and other merchandise have been brought into 
this country without payment of the duty and have been put into com- 
petition with goods which have been imported by honest merchants who 
have paid the duties required by law. The government is doing its best 
to put a stop to this practice." 

This tells the whole story. Incompetency or dis- 
honesty or both, in the custom-house administration, is 
at the root of the whole trouble. It will be remem- 
bered that, just before this irritating order went into 
force, some thirty-one inspectors and other customs 
officers in New York were discharged from the service 
in a single day. What did this mean? Were they dis- 
honest or incompetent? It would seem that they were 
one or both, since the eight incoming steamers during 
the first ten days of March 1900 yielded only $1,398.56 
in revenue, while the same number of incoming steam- 
ers on the same dates in 1901 yielded $19,413.09. If 
the service was so rotten that it was necessary to make 
such wholesale discharges, which were apparently justi- 
fied by the results, it would seem as if the cause was 
deeper than the mere inspectors. This thing has been 
going on for four years. It is pertinent to ask how this 
sudden shake-up and assertion of virtue came about. 
It is reported from trustworthy sources that it is all the 
result of a private investigation made by the treasury 


department when it was discovered, as Mr. Spaulding 
says, that "for a considerable period of time the gov- 
erment revenues have been defrauded by the failure 
on the part of some inspectors at New York to perform 
their plain duty." 

Who is responsible for this inefficient and de- 
frauding administration? Surely not the subordi- 
nates. One might as well charge the privates in the 
ranks with the inefficiency and demoralization of the 
army. Of course it is the responsible head of the 
department. If this state of affairs is found to 
exist after four years of administration, it is 
conclusive evidence of inefficiency, if nothing 
worse. Instead of discharging thirty- one subor- 
dinate inspectors, obviously the proper remedy 
was to remove the head who was responsible for 
the maladministration and put a more competent per- 
son in his place. This the public would have under- 
stood ; such a measure would have shown that a whole- 
some moral force was flowing through the government 
service. But instead of that the responsible party is 
retained and a large bunch of subordinates, who were 
probably not responsible at all but only acting as do 
Tammany subordinates, in accordance with the " under- 
standing," are discharged, and, as if to make a show of 
special virtue, an intolerable amount of red tape is sud- 
denly thrown round the entire customs service, to the 
unnecessary inconvenience and irrepressible disgust of 
the community. 

Yet all this is rather natural. An official who 
would pack caucuses, corrupt primaries and coerce dele- 
gates to political conventions can hardly be expected 
competently to administer so important a public 
office as the collectorship of the port of New York. 
That office requires a higher standard of ability and 
moral perception and attention to duty than could be 


expected from a mere ward politician. Next to the 
presidency of the United States, this is the highest- paid 
position in the federal government. It was intended 
that it should command the services of a high- class 
man, but alas ! If we ask why this is tolerated, why 
this one-penny method of dealing with the creature in- 
stead of the creator of the offence is adopted, the ob- 
vious answer is, because the "pull" of the local boss is 
stronger than the courage of the president. When evi- 
dence was presented abundantly justifying Collector 
Bidwell's removal for interfering with the rights of 
citizens,* Mr. Platt said: "Not while I live." 

There lies the secret of the whole scandal. It is 
this degrading, overawing power of personal dictator- 
ship in politics that is the cause of the whole scandal- 
ous disturbance. If the administration had exercised 
the moral courage to ignore the machine and, upon the 
discovery of dishonesty in the department, had re- 
moved the Jiead and placed a strong hand there to re- 
organize the force independently of the local boss, the 
public would willingly have endured the inconvenience 
involved, but when it comes only in the exhibition of a 
new-born virtue in the very parties under whom "the 
government revenues have been defrauded, 5 ' it very 
naturally produces only disgust and protest. Thus, 
not merely the integrity of our nominating and electing 
machinery is undermined but the very policy of the 
nation is brought into disrepute by the incompetency 
and dishonesty born of the degrading influence of ma- 
chine dictatorship in party politics. 

* See Lecture Bulletin, Feb. 15, 1901 ; also New York Press, Feb. 18, 


Mr. Gunton's lecture on "The Peril of Popular 
Government," published in the Lecture Bulletin of the 
Institute of Social Economics, February I5th, has called 
out a flood of press comment and a large amount of 
correspondence, showing the widespread popular inter- 
est in a direct- nomination system to protect the people 
in their rights of self-government against the unscru- 
pulous methods of corrupt political rings. We have 
selected, and publish below, a few of the most interest- 
ing communications received : 

My dear Mr. Gunton : 

I have just read "The Peril of Popular Govern- 
ment," and want to thank you heartily for it. It has 
doubtless required some courage to make this plain 
statement and its direct attack upon the machine. But 
I am sure you are fearless in the presence of the con- 
viction that has stirred in your heart. You have done 
a good piece of work which ought to bear good fruit. I 
am not surprised at the tale you tell the surprise is 
that so many people still believe in the respectability of 
the machine. Cordially yours, 

(Rector of All Souls Church, New York City). 

My dear Sir: 

Since reading your address on "The Peril of Popu- 
lar Government " I have ordered a number of copies, 
and, at the meeting of the Executive Committee of the 
Society for the Prevention of Crime, yesterday, we 
passed a resolution to procure and distribute 5,000 cop- 
ies of it. . . . I only preface in this way in order 



that you may understand the interest that I feel in the 
work that you are doing and in the way in which you 
have put forward one feature of our present situation. 

Yours very sincerely, 

(Rev. Dr.) C. H. PARKHURST 
(Pastor of Madison Square Presbyterian 
Church, New York City). 

Dear Sir : 

I recently cancelled my subscription to your Maga- 
zine, but I now beg to renew same for another year, 
and enclose my check in your favor for $2.50 in pay- 

I am led to do this through reading the lecture you 
delivered February isth last, on " The Peril of Popular 
Government,'' and I earnestly beg of you to deliver 
more lectures on the same subject, and so bring home 
to all those who love these United States and its form 
of government the necessity of fulfilling their duties 
towards that government and so prevent its falling into 
the hands of such men as Quay in Pennsylvania ; Platt, 
Croker, et al. in New York, who use their power so 
obtained for debauchery and corruption. I hope you 
will not let Mr. Steele's case die in a pigeon-hole of the 
president's desk. Yours truly, 

(Cashier First National Bank, Pittsburg, Pa.) 

Dear Sir : 

I desire to express my gratification with your lec- 
ture of February isth on "The Peril of Popular Gov- 
ernment." It is most hopeful that you realize the truth 
and are in the way of making the public see it. 

As there is evidence that the press is muzzled in 
the same way, the outlook has been a gloomy one. I 


wish I had your faith in the president's action in the 

Wishing you ample courage and persistence, and 
the earnest cooperation of your board of counselors, 

Cambridge, Mass. 

Gentlemen : 

I believe you are entitled to know by positive state- 
ment that I fully appreciate your efforts in the direc- 
tion of good government and clean politics, and wish 
that it might be possible to have your articles on those 
subjects put into the hands of every voter of the country. 

Yours very truly, 

FRANK A. Ross, 

President, Board of Regents of Normal Schools, 
State of Wisconsin : West Superior, Wis. 

My Dear Professor: 

If you succeed you will be as great an Englishman 
as Howard or Wilberforce. And why not? 

(Rev.) D. A. MERRICK, 
New York City. 

Dear Sir : 

Your brave and intelligent action, very business- 
like in its practicality and efficient in its seizure of 
the opportunity and of the central, salient points of 
attack, must arouse the admiration of all citizens who 
want an honest political system and an honest adminis- 
tration of government in all its parts. 

Your one proposed step is right and must mean 
much. It will make the bosses' work very much harder 
than now, at the least, and at the best may sharply clip 
their wings. Let us not hope for too much. The 
people get about what they want, and surely what they 


deserve, for the most part. It perhaps would surprise 
the theoretical, the thinkers, the academic, to know in 
what way the average, smart, successful, more or less 
Christian, somewhat church-going and certainly very 
respectable and influential American business man 
views these identical matters that arouse in you such 
abhorrence. Let us not forget in our calculations the 
average man ; he is in the crushing majority. 

Push the good work along. Do up the existent 
primaries, give us the secret ballot for nominations. 
Let us make the bosses' work just as hard as possible. 
The rest of us have to earn our livings, don't let us 
permit them to get theirs any more easily than we ours. 
Your readers will await with deep interest the result of 
your thus-far moves, and when the time comes to speak 
up for the nominating ballot let us hope that they will 
be found solidly by your side, with many good men 
and true back of them. 

Yours truly, 

Vice- President Hall & Munson Company, 

Bay Mills, Mich. 


IN HIS ultimatum to Governor Odell, Mr. Platt seems 
to have done the dictator once too often. If the 
governor will back up his refusal to *' obey " by rational 
leadership, he may prove to be Platt's complete undoing, 
to the great advantage of the whole nation. 

AT LAST Mr. Bryan has taken Mr. Cleveland in 
hand. It is done in Mr. Bryan's best editorial style ; 
the directness, and for the most part the correctness, of 
the treatment makes at least two columns of the Com- 
moner very interesting reading. It really takes a Bryan 
or a Dana to do full justice to the subject. 

IT is interesting to note that the press of Minnesota, 
especially of Minneapolis, is urging its legislature to 
extend the primary election law providing direct nomi- 
nations, which has been tried in Minneapolis, to the 
entire state. It is admitted that there are imperfec- 
tions in the law, but these, it is contended, can be 
easily remedied. The trial in Minneapolis appears to 
have been sufficiently satisfactory to prove the sound- 
ness of the principle of direct nominations. "The 
world do move!" 

SENATOR QUAY'S paper, the Philadelphia Inquirer, 
which is the most conspicuous advocate of the "Ripper" 
bill in Pennsylvania, defends the scheme of depriving 
the cities of Scranton, Alleghany and Pittsburg of the 
right to elect their mayors, on the ground that the city 
government of Pittsburg is very corrupt. The only 
way to have pure government in these cities is to have 
a Quay governor appoint the mayor. Could anything 



more breath-taking be imagined? With Croker sup- 
pressing vice in New York city, Platt purifying the 
politics of New York state, and Quay exterminating 
corruption in Pennsylvania, the millennium must surely 
be near. 

PRESIDENT HADLEY of Yale explains that he has 
been badly misquoted regarding the " emperor in 
twenty-five years " statement that has been going the 
rounds of the press. It appears he did not say it in 
reference to trusts at all. What he said was : 

' ( We must accept the moral responsibility com- 
mensurate with our new political problem, and that if 
any one says that we cannot get the people to accept 
this responsibility the only alternative is an emperor in 
Washington within twenty-five years." 

This shows how much more eager the press is for 
sensation than for truth, and warns public speakers 
who would not be misrepresented to avoid saying start- 
ling things which furnish food for demagogues, for the 
most unconscionable demagogue abroad is the sensa- 
tional newspaper reporter. 

IN OUR EAGERNESS to compliment the North Caro- 
lina manufacturers on agreeing to adopt the sixty- 
hours-a-week system we made a mistake. Their scheme 
is for sixty-six hours a week, which is seventy-five years 
behind England. Our praise was premature and un- 
merited. Even South Carolina has a sixty-six hour 
law, while in no state outside of the South is the 
working day more than ten hours and in some it is less. 
Had they adopted the ten-hour day as we mistakenly 
supposed, there might have been some reason in their 
request to defer legislation on the subject, but with a 
belated sixty- six-hour proposition there is none. Manu- 
facturing industries which at this late day cannot 


succeed without working women and children more 
than ten hours a day have no right to exist under a 
protective system in the United States. 

AT LAST Mr. Bryan has a rival. Mr. H. Gay lord 
Wilshire of Los Angeles, who also publishes a revolu- 
tionary paper, challenges him to mortal combat thus : 

Hon. W. J. Bryan, Lincoln, Neb. 

Dear Sir: Your solution of the trust problem is: " Let the nation 
destroy the trust," while my solution is: "Let the nation own the 
trust." I will pay all your expenses and give you $1,000 to debate with 
me, you to elect time and place. If the audience decides you have the 
better of the debate, I agree to increase the payment to $2,000. Await- 
ing your reply, I am, H. GAYLORD WILSHIRE. 

The difference between these two candidates for 
leadership in the "coming revolution" is that in 
demanding that the nation " own the trusts" Mr. Wil- 
shire represents straight socialist doctrine, while in 
demanding the suppression of trusts Mr. Bryan repre- 
sents no recognized economic doctrine at all, but 
simply advocates the destruction of industrial organiza- 
tion, which is virtual anarchy. 

A BILL has been introduced in the New York legis- 
lature by Assemblyman John Hill Morgan of Brooklyn, 
providing for the election of delegates to state, national 
and other party conventions by direct vote. It is en- 
couraging to see that the idea of direct nominations has 
at last reached the New York legislature. But really 
it is little less than a waste of time and opportunity to 
pass a law for direct nominations merely for delegates 
to conventions. The mischief of the party dictator is 
worked with the delegates to conventions. It is upon 
them that the rewards and punishments are meted out. 
It is there that the deals are made and the source of 
popular elections corrupted. To be of real service Mr. 
Morgan's bill should apply to the nomination of candi- 


dates for office instead of to delegates to conventions. 
He would then strike at the real evil, and besides great- 
ly simplifying the nominating machinery would really 
put the selection as well as election of public officers in 
the hands of the people. 

THE SOCIALIST propaganda is showing great and 
apparently increased energy. New socialists papers are 
coming into existence, and now a socialist college is 
announced. This current is augmented by many who 
are not definitely identified with it. President Had- 
ley 's recent prediction that : ' ' We shall have an emperor 
in twenty-five years," unintentionally furnished a sweet 
morsel for advocates of "the revolution." By thus 
sweeping in its current all forms and phases of social 
pessimism, socialism threatens to become a veritable 
crusade against society. It is useless to scold ; censure 
and ridicule do but stimulate the leaders and augment 
the ranks of the crusading army. Enlightenment, 
intelligent understanding of the nature of progressive 
society and the relation of industrial classes to each 
other and to the natural order of social progress, can 
alone save society from a disastrously disrupting exper- 
iment. This is the field where industrial and political 
education will tell most quickly and effectively upon 
the safety of our institutions and the security for the 
future progress of society. 

THE CONTEST between the party boss and the pres- 
ident in the Sanger case is in reality a victory for the 
boss. To be sure Colonel Sanger is appointed, but at 
the sacrifice of the dignity of the president and his 
right to appoint his official family. Mr. Sanger was 
charged with not being on good terms with the ' ' organ- 
ization," and before he was appointed he had to call at 
49 Broadway and explain to Mr. Platt ' ' that he not 


only is now an organization man but also he intends in 
future to work in perfect harmony and accord with the 
state organization," and that when nominating Mr. 
Choate for United States senator he only ' eulogized 
Choate without traducing me " (Platt). The mere fact 
that Colonel Sanger had to go through this humiliating 
process is a moral defeat for the president. Had Mr. 
McKinley the proper moral courage becoming a presi- 
dent, he would have protected the dignity of his office 
by appointing Colonel Sanger regardless of whether he 
was an organization man or had criticized Mr. Platt 
when in the legislature. Mr. Platt appears to be dem- 
onstrating the truth of his diagnosis of Mr. McKinley 
in 1896, that "he is too impressionable a gentleman." 

THE JACKSONVILLE (Fla.) TIMES, one of the very 
bright, good-natured southern papers, pointedly asks : 

"If we have no right to impose a government without the consent 
of the governed shall we go behind Appomattox? If it be suicidal to in- 
corporate unfit groups into our body politic, what shall we do with the 
negro? .... Does Professor Gunton hold the Africo-American 
fit? .... Was Cleveland right when he refused Hawaii? . . . 
Shall we repudiate McKinley ism utterly? Is it a proof of progress that 
our financial system is so far behind that of the other great powers? 
Should the treasury remain a bank?" 

These are fair questions and we will answer them 
in the order asked. 

(1) No, we should not go behind Appomattox be- 
cause that has become an inseparable part of our history. 
The mistake of Appomattox was made at Fort Sumter. 
Statesmanship cannot unmake history, it can only avoid 
future mistakes. 

(2) As a group "the Africo-American" is not fit 
and the policy which followed Appomattox in giving the 
negro the franchise was a mistake. It was "incorpora- 
ting the unfit," and has cost the nation dear. 

(3) To the question "what shall we do with the 


negro?" there is but one rational answer: treat him 
like other people. If he is not fit for the suffrage his 
unfitness is due to some personal or social qualification ; 
it is not his color. If it is his ignorance, or his inabili- 
ty intelligently to exercise the franchise, deal with these 
shortcomings, but deal fairly. If you want to make edu- 
cation, or the ownership of property, or both, the test 
of fitness, do so, but make them the test for everybody 
white as well as black. Raise the standard of fitness 
as high as you please but make it the same for all. 

(4) "Was Cleveland right when he refused 
Hawaii?'* Yes, but he was wrong in using the power 
of this government in trying to put Queen Lil back on 
the throne. 

(5) "Shall we repudiate McKinleyism utterly?" 
Not utterly, because McKinleyism is not utterly bad. 
McKinleyism stands for protection, for the develop- 
ment of manufactures, for using the influence of gov- 
ernment to promote domestic prosperity, for sound 
money and national development, but we should repu- 
diate the "Philippine-ism" and the "bowing to bossism" 
of McKinley, even if it involves rejecting McKinley 

(6) "Should the treasury remain a bank?" The 
treasury is not a bank. As Lincoln said, it is a "miser's 
iron box/' It is not McKinleyism but pure Jackson- 
ism. The sub-treasury system should be abolished and 
the funds of the government kept on deposit in a bank 
or banks properly organized, so that the government 
revenues will not create fluctuations of the currency. 
Some day the sub- treasury system will have to go. 



Professor W. E. B. DuBois, who is recognized as an 
authority upon statistics pertaining to inquiries into 
the economic and educational conditions of the negro 
race in America, estimated as a result of a study which 
he made of the Tuskegee negro conference this year, 
that one session of the conference represented fully six 
thousand persons upon whom it would have a direct 
influence. The effect of the entire conference, then, 
would be felt, directly or indirectly, by a very much 
larger number. 

The Tuskegee negro conference was established 
ten years ago by Booker T. Washington, principal of 
Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute. Mr. Wash- 
ington sent out an invitation to the negro farmers 
living near Tuskegee to come to the Institute upon a 
certain day to spend a few hours in " talking over" the 
things which most interested them. Mr. Washington 
has said that he thought perhaps twenty-five or thirty 
might respond to the invitation. Somewhat to his sur- 
prise four hundred negro men and women, representing 
all classes and conditions, gathered at the Institute at 
the appointed day, and this number has increased with 
each successive year's sessions. 

Mr. Washington has explained the reasons which 
led him to think of the possibility of such a gathering 
as this in these words : ' ' Soon after the school at 
Tuskegee was established I became impressed with the 
idea that much good might be accomplished by some 
movement which would interest the older people and in- 
spire them to work for their own elevation. I think I 


860 G UN TON' S MA GAZINE [April, 

first came to think of this when I had occasion to notice 
again and again the unusual amount of common sense 
displayed by what is termed the ignorant colored man 
of the South. In my opinion the uneducated black man 
in the South, especially the one living in the country 
districts, has more natural sense than the uneducated 
ignorant class of almost any race. This led me to the 
conclusion that any people who could see so clearly into 
their own condition, and could describe it so vividly as 
the common farming class of colored people in the South 
can, could be led to do a good deal to help themselves. 
As a result I called the first session of what has since 
come to be known as the Tuskegee negro conference." 

The first sessions of the conference were held in 
what was then the school's chapel, the largest hall 
which any of the school buildings then afforded. Both 
school and conference soon outgrew this room, and a 
rude temporary structure was put up for their accom- 
modation. This building was of rough boards, with no 
windows but wooden shutters. Its floor was the earth, 
and the seats were backless benches made by spiking 
planks on to posts driven into the ground. The bareness 
of the inside walls was somewhat softened by draping 
them with Spanish moss, over which flags were caught 
back here and there with palmetto leaves. The light 
in this broad low room was dull at best, and when the 
late-comers who could not get inside the building 
clustered around the doors and windows like bees 
around the mouth of a hive they made the dusky 
interior look still more dim. I saw the conference for 
the first time in this building five years ago, and I have 
seen every session since then. Now, the meetings are 
held in the institute chapel, a handsome brick building 
which will seat two thousand persons, and in which, at 
this year's session, many had to stand. 

This chapel is the building in which President 


McKinley spoke to the students when he visited 
Tuskegee two years ago with his cabinet. Like nearly 
all the buildings at the school, it was built by the 
students as a part of their industrial education. Classes 
of young men who expect to earn their living as brick- 
makers made the bricks of which it is constructed 
1,200,000 in number in the school's brick yard. 
Other young men who are learning brick-masonry laid 
the walls. The men in the carpentry classes did the 
wood work. The tinsmiths covered the roof. The 
electric lighting fixtures and the steam heating ap- 
paratus were put in by students. The pews were made 
in the school's joiner shop after a model designed by 
one of the students. I mention these facts here not to 
show what the methods of the school are, and how 
practical its results, but to call attention to one of the 
many object-lessons which the men and women who 
come here to attend the conference get. They may 
not realize that they are coming to Tuskegee for any- 
thing but a "meeting," at which they are to hear 
speaking, and perhaps speak themselves ; but from the 
minute they come in sight of the school grounds they 
are learning, even if unconsciously, by being obliged 
to see what people of their own race have done, what 
they and their sons and daughters may do if they will 
but try. 

I speak of "women" and "daughters" in the pre- 
ceding paragraph, and perhaps some one may say that 
the women who would attend the conference would not 
get the same benefit as the men from these object- 
lessons because they would not be engaged in the trades 
represented in the erection of the buildings. About 
one-third of the eleven hundred students at Tuskegee 
are young women. At each year's meeting of the con- 
ference the spacious vestibule of the chapel is trans- 
formed under the direction of Mrs. Washington into 


a suite of model living rooms, in which the teachers of 
industries for girls, with the help of some of their 
pupils, show how the students are taught housekeeping, 
sewing, dressmaking, millinery, cooking, laundry work, 
mattrass making and upholstery, and dairying. In the 
yards outside they also see the young women learning 
poultry raising, bee-keeping, market gardening, and 
the care of lawns and flower beds. In all these ways, 
and in the school's barns and dairy, on its farm and in 
its gardens, in the shops, and, not least by any' means, 
in the homes of its teachers and officers, the visitors to 
Tuskegee at conference time get instruction and inspi- 

An Alabama negro farmer who was born a slave 
and who cannot read or write recently gave $10 
towards the support of a newly-established school for 
white students in his state. At this year's session of 
the conference he gave the same sum towards the sup- 
port of Tuskegee Institute for colored students. This 
man owns several hundred acres of land, and good live 
stock, all acquired by his own exertion and that of his 
wife. They ascribe all their thrift and prosperity to 
the inspiration and teachings of the Tuskegee confer- 
ence, at which they have been regular attendants ever 
since it was established. 

Mr. Washington presides at all of the sessions. 
The speakers at the first day's session are the farmers 
themselves and their wives. There are no officers and 
rules. The only formal feature is the adoption each 
year of a series of declarations setting forth the pur- 
poses and sentiment of the gathering. Nothing which 
I could write would give so good an idea of the practi- 
cal nature of the subjects discussed as for me to quote 
this year's declarations : 

i. We have reached the tenth annual session of the Tuskegee Negro 
Conference. During all the years since the conference was started, we 


have clung steadily to its original purpose, viz. , to encourage the buy- 
ing of land, getting rid of the one- room cabin and the abuse of the mort- 
gage system, the raising of food supplies, building better school houses, 
the lengthening of the school term and the securing of better teachers 
and preachers, the doing away with sectarian prejudice, the improve- 
ment of the moral condition of the masses and the encouragement of 
friendly relations between the races. In all these particulars we are 
convinced from careful investigation, that substantial progress is con- 
stantly being made by the masses throughout the South. 

2. We would urge our people not to become discouraged while the 
race is passing from what was largely a political basis to an economic 
one, as a foundation for citizenship. 

3. We urge, since the country school is the backbone of the intelli- 
gence of the masses, that no effort be spared to increase its efficiency. 
Any injury to the country schools brings discontent to the people and 
leads them to move to the cities. 

4. Statistics show that crime, as a rule, is not committed by those 
who have received literary, moral and industrial training. 

5. Regardless of how others may act, we urge upon our race a 
rigid observance of the law of the land, and that we bear in mind that 
lawlessness begets crime and hardens and deadens not only the con- 
science of the law-breaker, but also the conscience of the community. 

6. The rapid rise in the price of land throughout the South makes 
it doubly important that we do not delay in buying homes, and the 
increased demand for skilled workmen of every kind makes it nec- 
essary that a larger proportion of our young people prepare them selves 
for trades and domestic employment before they are crowded out of 
these occupations. 

7. Community and county fairs, as well as local conferences and 
farmers' institutes, should be organized as rapidly and widely as pos- 

8. We call the attention of our women, especially, to the wealth 
there is for them in the garden, the cow, the pig and the poultry 

9. We note with pleasure that landlords are building better 
houses for their tenants. We feel sure that all such improvements are 
a paying investment from every point of view. 

These declarations are plainly printed at the In- 
stitute's printing office before the conference adjourns, 
and copies are given to all of the delegates to take 
home, with the injunction that if they cannot read them 
themselves they find some one who can read them to 
them. On the back side of the same sheet, this year, 
was printed a suggestion that during the coming year 


the people get some one to give simple talks before 
their local conferences upon the following named topics, 
or, if no local conference exists in their community, 
talk these matters over among themselves : 

(i) How to raise pigs . (2) What crops pay best. (3) How to raise 
poultry. (4) How to plant a garden. (5) How to begin buying a home. 
(6) The value of a diversified crop. (7) How the wife can assist the 
husband. (8) How the husband can assist the wife. (9) The right kind 
of minister and teacher. (10) How to make the house and yard beauti- 
ful, (n) How to live at home instead of out of the store. (12) The im- 
portance of keeping the children busy in school and out of school. 

The influence of the conference has been steadily 
broadening. Similar meetings are now held in nearly 
every southern state, and usually every southern state 
is represented at this central meeting here. This year 
there were representatives here from twenty states, and 
from Indian Territory and Oklahoma. For the last 
four years Tuskegee Institute has employed a man as 
conference agent, to extend the influence of the confer- 
ence, primarily in the state of Alabama. There are 
now two hundred and fifty local conferences organized 
in this state. Most of these hold regular meetings 
usually once a month and report here. One of the 
most interesting and valuable features of this year's 
meeting was arranged by the conference agent. Dur- 
ing his going about in the state he has collected photo- 
graphs showing the wretched one-room cabins in which 
many of the farmers lived a few years ago. He has 
also secured photographs of the comfortable houses and 
fine live stock which some of these same men now own, 
very largely as a result of the teachings of the confer- 
ence. A stereopticon exhibition was given of views 
made from these photographs, and the lessons which 
the contrasting pictures taught were more emphatic 
than any mere words would have been. 

At times unfavorable reports were made, or un- 
favorable features brought out in a report which other- 


wise was encouraging, but in general the tone of the 
gathering was hopeful and quite in contrast to the pes- 
simistic opinions in regard to the negro's future which 
have been put forth in some quarters. Mr. Washing- 
ton himself, in speaking to the delegates of the ten 
years' existence of the conference said that he thought 
the greatest good which had come from it had been the 
creation of a feeling of hopefulness among those who 
had attended a spirit of faith in the future of the race. 
The gathering of so many negro men and women 
here, and the frank discussion of their conditions, the 
difficulties which beset them and the ways in which 
some of these difficulties have been overcome, soon be- 
gan to attract the attention of people of both races who 
are engaged in educational or philanthropic work, and 
they began to come to Tuskegee in large numbers each 
year for the purpose of watching and studying the con- 
ference in session. Observation led to discussion of 
what they saw, and to plans for future work, until there 
has been developed a second day's session, called the 
"workers' conference," attended by two or three hun- 
dred men and women of both races, many of them of 
national reputation. Among those present this year 
was Mr. Charles W. Chesnutt, who one evening in the 
chapel read aloud his Southern story, " Hot-foot Han- 
nibal;" Professor DuBois, Bishop Turner, Bishop 
Grant, Bishop Tyree, Dr. I. B. Scott, at least ten col- 
lege presidents, several well-known philanthropic 
workers, professional men, and a great number of 
teachers. The topic for this year's "workers' confer- 
ence," around which the discussions centered, was: 
" The negro's part in the upbuilding of the South: as 
a farmer and a mechanic ; as a professional man ; as a 
moral and religious factor." Last year the topic was : 
"What have thirty-five years of freedom done for the 
negro? " 



It was at the "workers' conference" that Professor 
DuBois made the report to which I have referred in the 
first paragraph of this article. Professor DuBois had 
prepared a series of questions which he asked of about 
two hundred farmers taken at random from the dele- 
gates to the first session of the conference. The 199 
men whom the professor saw represent real estate as 
follows : 

Own land 57 

Number of acres owned. . . 7048^ 
Average 123^ 

Rent land 142 

Number of acres rented. . . 666o 
Average 59 


Number of rooms. 


















In comparison with the average number of negro 
farmers in the South who own land, and of those who 
still live in one-room cabins, this report is significant 
and encouraging to those who have founded and pro- 
moted the Tuskegee negro conference. 


The more that comes to light about the 
Dismissal of dismissal of Prof. Ross from Stanford 

Professor Ross 

University the more indefensible does 
the proceeding appear. A committee of well-known 
economists, including Prof. Seligman of Columbia, 
Prof. Farnam of Yale and Prof. Gardner of Brown, has 
made a careful investigation of the case, and finds, as 
is admitted by President Jordan himself, that Prof. 
Ross was not dismissed because of any reflection on his 
private character or on the ability and success of his 
work as a professor in the university. The fact L, 
other matters aside, the dismissal seems to have been 
chiefly due to Professor Ross' criticisms of coolie im- 
migration from the Orient. The committee finds that 
"not until immediately after delivery of the coolie im- 
migration speech did Mrs. Stanford force Prof. Ross' 
resignation .... In a letter of June, 1900, 
President Jordan stated : ' The matter of immigration 
she (Mrs. Stanford) takes most seriously.' In the same 
letter, while Mrs. Stanford's objection is declared to be 
due to the fact that the reputation of the university for 
serious conservatism is impaired by the hasty accept- 
ance of social and political fads, it is added, that these 
'local criticisms' which weighed with Mrs. Stanford 
'unfortunately are based on chance matters and obiter 
dicta, and not at all upon your serious work.' " 

We have steadily maintained in these pages that 
the management of a university must have the final 
right to decide the general character of the instruction 
to be given in its name, and to maintain the educational 
standards it considers necessary to keep the institution 
in its proper place in the community. There is no 


368 G UN TON'S MA GA ZINE [April , 

other source of authority by which such standards can 
be maintained. To insist that no control shall be exer- 
cised over the professors is to convert a university into 
a mouthpiece for the propagation of whatever fads or 
vagaries may happen to appeal to any of the individuals 
who have been included in its faculty. A university 
should no more permit professors of economics to teach 
any rash, untried, undigested notion that may have 
chanced to attract them than it should allow, for exam- 
ple, a professor of natural science to make the institu- 
tion ridiculous by advocating the claims of the Keely 
motor as scientific proof of perpetual motion. If a 
professor wishes to propagate new and peculiar views 
he should do so outside of university walls, and not ex- 
pect to utilize for that purpose the funds and prestige 
of an institution which is intended and expected to rep- 
resent only the best consensus of well-developed opinion 
and thoroughly sustained data in each of its various de- 

At the same time, it is highly important that the 
control of a university be such that it does accurately 
reflect the best generally accepted sentiment of the 
time and not the prejudices or opinions of individuals 
who may have helped endow it. The latter unfortu- 
nately seems to be the case with Leland Stanford Uni- 
versity. The offence seems all the more glaring be- 
cause of the fact that Prof. Ross was unquestionably 
right in his position on coolie immigration, and that the 
only real objection to his attitude on that subject was 
the fact that Mrs. Stanford's husband made a portion 
of his fortune by importing Asiatics to work on his 
railroads. It is impossible for a university to be under 
the personal control of one or two individuals who have 
endowed it, and still maintain its standing as an inde- 
pendent educational force in the community. The 
management should be exercised by boards of trustees 


groups of men of broad general culture, sensible, con- 
servative, and yet open-minded mentality, and a local 
interest in the welfare of the institution. This at least 
makes it reasonably certain that whatever control is 
exercised over the policy of the university will be the 
result of free discussion of the subject on its merits, 
by the trustees ; and not the mere reflection of the per- 
sonal feelings or grudges of some individual who may 
regard the institution as his or her personal property. 

The Chicago Times-Herald, in citing some 
Education and . , ,. . .' r ,1 1 \ 

"Menial" Labor interesting statistics of the large number 
of pupils in American colleges and 
universities, says in comment : 

" Aside from all other considerations this general tendency toward 
education means one thing labor in this country must be dignified 
socially. It is going to be impossible for all the boys and young men 
who are now in the schools and colleges to go into professions. Many 
of them will have to work with their hands. Manual labor will still 
have to be done even after everybody is educated. 

4 ' Perhaps the condition forecast by Bellamy when those who work 
as laborers shall receive just as much consideration as men who get 
into the professions and shall be compensated for the sacrifices they 
make in taking what we now consider inferior places in society is not 
so far away. " 

This hits the right nail and hits it squarely on the 
head. Regardless, for the time being, of the defects in 
Bellamy's plan for reaching a social condition where 
no labor shall be unhealthful or degrading, the idea 
itself is perfectty reasonable and will some day be 
realized. If the Times-Herald had been wandering in 
the medieval gloom that surrounds many eminent 
journals and economists who mistake cynical pessimism 
for profound wisdom, it would have followed up these 
quoted statistics by just the opposite conclusion. It 
would have solemnly pointed out that, since certain 
kinds of labor are degrading and exhausting, they 
must always remain so and hence that education be- 


yond certain limits is a mistake. It would have pic- 
tured the misery of the masses who must forever be 
doomed to toil at these inferior tasks under the burden 
of an increasing repulsion due to the education and 
ambition and social desires thrust upon them by a mis- 
taken public policy. Then it would have drawn a 
number of sage conclusions about the blessedness of 
contented ignorance for those to whom knowledge can 
never be anything but a curse. If it had happened to 
think of immigration, it would assuredly have finished 
up by pointing out the folly of excluding foreign 
peasant labor, and asked who could be expected to do 
the work these people perform if they are not allowed 
to come? Of course, since so much of the world's work 
must forever be unfit for civilized laborers, there is no 
way to get it done in an advanced country like ours 
except by importing people who have been properly 
prepared for it by wearing the yoke and doing the 
work of oxen and mules on the agricultural lands of 
southern and eastern Europe. 

Fortunately, however, this is a phase of old- school 
economic teaching which is rapidly passing away, to- 
gether with many other of its disheartening and utterly 
mistaken dogmas. What science and invention and 
humanitarian legislation have done for scores of other 
industrial pursuits, can and will be done for practically 
all departments of productive effort necessary in a 
civilized community. Indeed, from one point of view, 
industrial experience might be called the record of the 
transformation of degrading menial labor into healthful 
and agreeable occupations. A large part of the ancient 
drudgery of farm labor, for example, has been overcome 
in advanced industrial communities by the widespread 
introduction of labor-saving machinery in almost every 
department of agriculture. Mining has been robbed 
of its chief terrors and much of its excessive toil by the 


use of safety appliances and large introduction of ma- 
chinery. Factory labor, which less than a century ago 
involved fourteen to sixteen hours' work per day, with 
dangerous and unprotected machinery, brutal over- 
seers, and criminally unsanitary conditions both of 
working and living, has now been brought within 
reasonable time limits, machinery protected, sanitary 
conditions secured, the labor of small children pro- 
hibited, and the whole occupation for the most part made 
decent, respectable and ordinarily healthful. 

It is possible for this same movement to continue 
with reference to occupations which are now regarded 
as always and necessarily menial. The false notion 
that these tasks cannot be made decent is used as an 
argument, not only against universal higher education, 
but against a whole series of wholesale labor reforms 
such as shortening the hours of labor, improving the 
sanitary surroundings and broadening the general 
social opportunities; whereas, in reality, it is by 
stimulating these very sources of broader personal de- 
velopment that the proper economic forces will in turn 
be set in motion to abolish the exhausting and degrad- 
ing features of tasks now reserved for imported peas- 
ants and coolies. The very discontent which educa- 
tion and improved social surroundings are certain to 
stimulate will show itself in demands for improved 
conditions and higher wages. This, of course, will 
mean a constantly increasing cost of labor, the certain 
result of which, as all industrial experience shows, will 
be to stimulate invention to furnish labor-saving de- 
vices which will economize some of this increased labor 
cost. Where there is nothing to provoke discontent 
with stultifying conditions of toil, as in China, there is 
no motive to develop any scientific methods of econo- 
mizing human muscle. 

The economic truth of the whole matter in a nut- 


shell is that in the encouragement of education, increase 
of leisure to the workers, and extension of their social 
opportunities, lie the very forces necessary to raise the 
lower order of industries to a higher plane of economic 
efficiency which shall permit them to be decent, respect- 
able and healthful. The harder it becomes to hire 
cheap and contented laborers for menial tasks, the faster 
will invention furnish means of abolishing the worst 
features of such employments by machinery and natural 

We are perfectly safe, therefore, in lending the 
most enthusiastic encouragement to general higher 
education and to every stimulating, inspiring and 
refining influence in the community, in the certainty 
that the economic consequences of all this can be relied 
upon to take care of themselves, and provide the means 
of elevating all industries by summoning nature to 
carry more and more of the burdens that men have 
heretofore carried on their own shoulders. 


This department belongs to our readers, and offers them full oppor- 
tunity to "talk back" to the editor, give information, discuss topics or 
ask questions on subjects within the field covered by GUNTON'S MAGA- 
ZINE. All communications, whether letters for publication or inquiries 
for the " Question Box," must be accompanied by the full name and ad- 
dress of the writer. This is not required for publication, if the writer 
objects, but as evidence of good faith. Anonymous correspondents are 


Conciseness Appreciated 


Dear Sir: If the standard of your magazine is kept 
up to the sample, no one need complain of the price. 
The concise manner in which you present history now 
being made in the world, especially in connection with 
the United States, will be appreciated by those with 
little time to spend in reading. I am one of them. 
J. M. ORVIS, Des Moines, Iowa. 

Organized Labor's Needs 


Dear Sir: I am glad to see Editor Cease's letter and 
article on the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen in the 
March magazine, which shows us that among the rail- 
road organizations there are those who appreciate 
sound logic and take a non-perverted view of economics 
as well as appreciate and understand the philosophy of 
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE, recognizing its position as a factor 
in the capital- labor world as a publication which views 
matters in the light of truth and wisdom and under- 
stands that citizens have an equal right to organize for 
any legitimate purpose. 



There are many sound, long and level heads in the 
railroad organizations who by their logic keep down the 
disposition and spirit of " vandalism " which destroys 
all that is good when it once gets the lead. But there 
is still a vast amount of educational work to be done in 
order to bring all good people around to the point of 
positive wisdom, when they will cease to advocate such 
abnormalties as : " All the products belong to labor," 
or, ' ' Loss of opportunity to work is not an important 
factor ; we want products rather than work " ; or, " We 
find that there is no such a law of nature as that of no 
gain without loss." 

Should thedefamers of GUNTON'S MAGAZINE (of which 
there are a few in the woods) have the courage to over- 
come their repugnance or prejudices with reference to 
capital and have less needless sentiment with reference 
to humanity, they could see that GUNTON'S has no " cor- 
ner" or " column'' for the express purpose of catching 
the labor subscription, or that it does not advocate cap- 
italistic methods out of deference for capitalistic pat- 

" Knowledge is power,' 5 and we find it out when we 
run up against the hard-headed and hard-fisted officials 
who will sit down and count the cost and bring for- 
ward economic arguments. The employee does not 
want to permit himself to be lassoed, but wants to be 
educated, so that when a committee goes for a confer- 
ence they can talk business, and avoid being patted on 
the back, agreeing that the relations of both parties 
have always been amicable, and sent back empty- 
handed, not realizing how it was all done until they 
have slept and dreamed. Education, age, experience, 
and a clear head will gain more points than wild argu- 
ment based on sentiment backed by a pugnacious 

S. W. KILLER, Railroad Telegrapher, 

Philadelphia, Pa. 


English Borough and County Franchise 


Dear Sir: In the article on Queen Victoria's 
reign, in your March number, you stated near the bot- 
tom of page 233 that the "second reform bill only ex- 
tended the suffrage to householders in boroughs and 
established a ten-pound qualification for voting outside 
of counties." An American reader does not understand 
the political sub-divisions in England unless he has 
especially studied the subject, and your statement 
seems confusing. G. R. P. 

The statement about a ' ' ten-pound qualification 
for voting outside of counties," may well be confusing, 
because it is not correct. It was a typographical error, 
and should have read "outside of boroughs,in counties." 

The political divisions in England are boroughs 
and counties. For parliamentary purposes, a town is a 
borough if its population is large enough to entitle it 
to one member of parliament. Some boroughs have 
two members and there are a few that have three. The 
counties are very similar to counties in this country. 
They are simply larger political divisions, taking in 
the rural population. Mr. Gladstone, for instance, was 
elected once for northeast Lancashire and once for 
southeast Lancashire; those were county constituen- 
cies. Down to the third reform bill the franchise was 
always higher in the counties than in the boroughs, 
hence the counties had a more conservative voting 
population. Counties in the political sense include all 
the population outside of boroughs. 

The second reform bill (1867) gave a vote to every 



householder in the boroughs, that is, to every person 
who rented a house or housekeeping quarters, and a 
special provision was made for single men by inserting 
a lodger- franchise clause. 

The third reform bill (1874) extended the house- 
hold suffrage, previously limited to boroughs, to the 
counties, making the qualification for suffrage uniform 
throughout the country. 

The Case of Professor Ross 


DEAR SIR: I suppose you have noticed the logical 
outcome of your views in regard to limiting the free- 
dom of college professors, as illustrated in the case of 
Professor Ross of Leland Stanford University. Mrs. 
Stanford owns the institution and, as I interpret your 
position, has therefore an absolute right to employ 
professors who will teach what she orders. Professor 
Ross is sacrificed, therefore, because he opposes Chinese 
immigration, and Mrs. Stanford thinks this is a reflec- 
tion on her husband, who made money by hiring these 
coolies. If this sort of thing only goes far enough our 
young men will lose all respect whatever for anything 
that is taught them on economic questions in American 
universities. W. D. P. 

In universities, as in everything else, the law of 
evolution tends to promote the "survival of the fittest." 
Universities, like most other institutions, represent the 
consensus of opinion on the vital subjects affecting 
social life. When they cease to do that they are very 
likely to cease to receive the support either of those 
who furnish the financial maintenance or those who 
furnish the students. With reference to socialism and 
other theories directed to the perversion or overthrow 

igoi.] QUESTION BOX 377 

of the existing order of society, it may be said they are 
not desired either by those who furnish the money or 
those who furnish the students for our universities. 
When there is a demand for such teachings among 
either those who endow or those who attend universi- 
ties, new institutions will come into existence or else 
existing ones will come to teach those doctrines. 

The case of Stanford University is nearly opposite. 
The importation of Chinese coolies, especially under 
the conditions established by the six Chinese compa- 
nies, is opposed by the best sentiment of the best people 
in all classes throughout the country. It is supported 
by no principle of fair business, public policy or polit- 
ical science. That was an experience which would not 
again be tolerated by any state or by the United States. 
It is as obnoxious to the principles of free labor and 
modern economic conditions as is the system of slavery 
itself. If Mrs. Stanford really removed Professor Ross 
from the Leland Stanford Jr. University because he 
opposed Chinese immigration she placed herself in 
antagonism to the best thought of the nation, and her 
act will find no defence in any quarter. It is very much 
as if she had removed Professor Ross because he taught 
that slavery was wrong and should nowhere be toler- 
ated. In short, if this be true, she has brought dis- 
credit upon herself and to that extent upon Stanford 
University, and if she continues in this course, insisting 
that the doctrine of cheap-labor and importation of 
degraded Asiatics should be encouraged in this country, 
she will soon create effective ostracism of her university 
and destroy the public appreciation of her husband's 
generosity in giving his millions to establish that 
educational institution. 


ondary Schools. By Henry W. Thurston. Scott, 
Foresman & Company, Chicago, Cloth, 300 pp. 

It has long been a question of growing importance 
how to introduce the study of economics in secondary 
schools. Mr. Thurston has endeavored to solve the 
problem in the present volume. Perhaps the most 
distinctive feature of the book is the effort to make the 
student study the subject from his own experience or 
that of his neighbor; as, for instance, taking some 
industry, large or small, that is being conducted in his 
own neighborhood. Part I. is devoted exclusively to 
this. The author's claim for originality in this par- 
ticular may be granted, so far as text-books are con- 
cerned ; yet the work laid out and the manner of the 
laying out would seem to be more fitted for post- 
graduate students than for students in secondary 

Part II. is given to "Outlines of the Industrial 
History of England and the United States." In many 
respects this is excellently done. The description of 
the manor and other medieval institutions and condi- 
tions is very lucid and suggestive, but frequently too 
meager, it would seem, for the unread student. The 
accounts of the domestic period of industry and of the 
factory period are excellent. There is enough citation 
of fact to make it interesting as well as instructive. In 
the opening of his chapter on the factory period, he 
gives a nearly complete list of the inventions covering 
the factory system in textile manufacture. Keferences 
to other authors are ample but altogether beyond the 
capacity of under-graduate students to pursue. 



The third part is devoted to the elements of eco- 
nomic theory, and even this is composed nearly as 
much of questions as of statement. Certainly the 
author cannot be charged with representing too strongly 
any school of economic theory, for he hardly dwells 
long enough on any point to deliver a constructive 
idea. On wages, for instance, it would be difficult to 
ascertain what the author's ideas are, and, for that 
matter, the ideas of anybody else. On the question of 
rent the chief point is the explanation of Henry 
George's idea of "unearned increment,' 5 and the author 

" From this point of view, then, there is one direct line of study and 
thinking which will lead toward a knowledge of what single-taxers and 
socialists think ought to be done." 

He then quotes a long extract from the report of 
the Illinois Labor Bureau (1894) showing how a quarter 
of an acre of land in Chicago rose in value from twenty 
dollars in 1830 to a million and a quarter in 1894. He 
touches questions like "the eight-hour day" and the 
tariff with an evident ix\tent of impartiality. On the 
eight-hour day, for instance, the author suggests the 
importance of leisure to the laborers, the social signifi- 
cance of opportunity for seeing new things, studying 
art, visiting public libraries, acquiring better tastes and 
so broadening the social life of the laborer, but the 
feasibility of the eight-hour day he presents only from 
the side of production. Can the laborer " produce as 
much in eight hours as in ten or twelve," is the ques- 
tion. The suggested answer given to this is that where 
the laborers cannot for any reason produce as much in 
the shorter as in the longer day, the workman must 
determine whether he is willing to sacrifice something 
in wages for the sake of greater leisure and social satis- 
faction. This is purely the employer's answer, not the 
answer of the statesman or social philosopher. If that 


were to be the determining reason, the hours of labor 
would almost never be shortened in the crude hand- 
labor industries, because in all such industries the 
shortening of the day below a certain point will for a 
time at least lessen the output, and unless it propor- 
tionately reduces the wages it will increase the cost of 
production, and, if no reduction in the hours of labor 
can come economically without lessening the output or 
even increasing the price, then in all these industries 
the working day can never be shortened. 

Practice based on such reasoning would doom the 
laborers in that group of industries to be excluded from 
most of the benefits of invention and civilization. In 
the broad sociological point of view, the laborer is more 
important than the product, and if a shorter working 
day would add to his social opportunities and the de- 
velopment of a broader character and higher standard 
of life and citizenship, that is eminently the thing to 
be done, even though it lessens the output and increases 
the cost of the product. As a matter of fact, that is 
what has taken place during the entire century as a 
part of the economic progress. The public policy in 
this matter cannot be tested by its effect upon the 
product of each particular industry, but rather upon the 
product of industries in general. 

For instance, in the progress of invention, machinery 
has been applied to a very large number of industries, 
so that the output has been multiplied many fold and 
the cost greatly reduced. In certain other industries 
machinery has not been, and in the nature of things 
cannot be, applied but to a limited extent. In these 
industries the hand-labor or slow methods must needs 
prevail. With the increased wages and reduced hours 
commensurate with the general growth of civilization, 
the cost of production has actually been increased and 
in those industries the prices of the products have 


risen, but, taking all industries together, the economy 
where machinery has been used has more than offset 
the increased cost where machinery could not be used, 
and consequently the whole community is benefited. 
If this were not the case, only those laborers would get 
the benefit of civilization who happened to work in 
industries where machinery could be applied. That is 
why the laborers who work with highly improved 
machinery do not get increased wages proportionate to 
the increased output. The benefit of that increased 
output and machinery should in equity, and does, go to 
the whole community, so that those laborers who work 
in non-machine using industries are given a share in the 
gain as well as those who work with the new machines. 
And, conversely, the community must pay a little 
more for the product of the laborers working in non- 
machine using industries in order that they may have 
the benefit of the advancing wages and shortened hours 
demanded by the general progress of society. 

Mr. Thurston's presentation of the tariff question, 
while not at all partisan, lacks philosophic suggestion. 
The idea that the character of a nation largely depends 
on the nature of its industrial occupations, and that 
diversified and urbanizing industries have an altogether 
different social effect upon the people than rural ex- 
tractive industries, has no recognition ; yet this is the 
basic principle by which protective legislation should 
be determined. Although the author brings out no 
suggestion of constructive principle, he is entirely free 
from that cynical sneering at the tariff that is charac- 
teristic of many text-books. The book is well written 
and bears the evidence of painstaking effort throughout. 
Whether it is adapted for secondary schools must be 
tested by experience, but it is a book that may be read 
with interest by advanced students. It contains a great 
deal of valuable data, a good index, and a brief but 


excellent general introduction by Professor Small of 
Chicago University. 


The Story of Rome. By Norwood Young. Illus- 
trated by Nelly Erichsen. Cloth extra, gilt top, 16 mo. 
403 pp., $1.75. The Macmillan Company, New York. 

Cornell Studies in Philosophy. The Philosophy of 
Friedrich Nietzsche. By Grace Neal Dolson, A. B. 
Paper, 8 vo, 1 10 pp., 75 cents net. The Macmillan Com- 
pany, New York. 

The History of South Carolina in the Revolution 1775- 
1780. By Edward McCrady, LL.D., author of "The 
History of South Carolina under the Proprietary 
Government, "etc. Cloth, gilt top, 8vo, 899 pp., $3.50, 
net. The Macmillan Company, New York. 

Reflections on the Origin and Destiny of Imperial Brit- 
ain. By J. A. Cramb, M. A., professor of modern his- 
tory, Queens College, London. Cloth, gilt top, crown 
8vo, 315 pp., $2.50. The Macmillan Company, New 

The Government of Minnesota. Its History and Ad- 
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of economics in the University of Minnesota. Cloth, 
236 pp., 75 cents. The Macmillan Company, New 

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376 pp., $i. American Book Company, New York. 

Australasia the Commonwealth and New Zealand. By 
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The Macmillan Company, New York. 


"In the case of the Irish and the Germans, their 
roots have struck deep into the soil ; what New York 
might have become without them it were idle to guess. 
They cannot be absolved from their share of responsi- 
bility for the evils that have grown upon us. In par- 
ticular, the Irish have written a chapter of corruption 
and misrule upon the city's records. In other cities, it 
is only fair to say, native Americans have done the 
same. But in New York the Irishman's superiority in 
the domain of ward politics has been unquestioningly 
accepted by the other populations, and the fabric that 
has arisen is his own handiwork. Beauty and refine- 
ment have not entered very largely into its composi- 
tion ; where is the political machine that can show us 
beauty or refinement? But before condemning it utter- 
ly, let us remember one essential fact which, if not in 
its present favor, at least holds out a hope for the 
future, namely, that it springs from the people." J. 
K. PAULDING, in "A Plea for New York;" Atlantic 
Monthly (February). 

' ' Nearly four months have elapsed since election 
and there has been not only no appreciable progress in 
establishing civil government in the Philippines, but 
no indication that the majority in congress realize that 
the country has a right to expect from them a definite 
Philippine programme. While the lives of volunteer 
American soldiers have been in deadly peril, congress 
has been debating the details of a shipping subsidy bill. 
What is still worse, the country has been deceived as 
to the plain facts of the Philippine situation. The 
reports of generals in the field, the finding of the two 
commissions, the messages of the president, the speeches 
of recognized leaders of the party, contain absolutely 



irreconcilable statements. Ours is a government by 
opinion. But how is the public-spirited citizen to learn 
the truth about the most elementary facts concerning 
the Filipinos, such as their tribal relations, the extent 
to which they use a common language, the state of pop- 
ular education and political intelligence, and the terri- 
torial limits of their present rebellion against the United 
States? Even upon fundamental questions like these, 
our newspapers and magazines are as confused and con- 
tradictory as any intelligence given out by the admin- 
istration. Are the revolutionists 'a few disaffected 
Tagalogs,' or are we encountering the patriotic resist- 
ance of a practically united people? Every American 
voter has a right to the possession of these facts, pro- 
vided the facts are known at Washington. If they are 
not known at Washington, they ought to be." The 
Atlantic Monthly. 

In Great Britain ... an agricultural implement 
works makes road engines, threshers, mowers and 
reapers, cultivators, and a variety of small farm tools. 
But when they put any one of their machines into the 
field, they meet a Chicago made article which is laid 
down on the spot at a less price than that for which the 
British firm can hope to simply produce it. The Chi- 
cago manufacturer builds a vast works to make nothing 
but mowers and binders. One concern employs thou- 
sands of men on threshing machines and road engines 
to haul them, while still other large factories make the 
cultivators, drills, etc. Machines turned out by tens of 
thousands, instead of thousands, can be made in greater 
perfection and at materially lower cost, even if all other 
factors are uniform. But if cheaper raw materials, 
more efficient labour, better management, and more 
up-to-date works be added, the transatlantic competitor 
of America is, indeed, facing a difficult proposition." 
ARCHER BROWN, in "American Competition in the 
World's Engineering Trades;" Gassier s Magazine. 


President of the United States Steel Corporation 
(Courtesy of "The World's Work") 

See page 421 



The larger and more widespread indus- 
tr * a ^ concent ration becomes, the more 
important it is that organized labor 
should develop correspondingly in strength, influence 
and high quality of leadership. It is not one whit less 
essential that a "stable equilibrium" of economic 
power be maintained among the various factors that 
share in the distribution of wealth than that these same 
factors be organized to the point of greatest efficiency 
in the production of this wealth. Indeed, from the 
broad social standpoint, there is no justification for the 
concentration of capital unless the resulting benefits 
extend to the community in general, which means chiefly 
the wage-earners, because more than three-quarters of 
the population is in the wage- or salary-receiving class. 
This sharing with the community of the advan- 
tages of combination comes through several channels. 
Of course the more important are lower prices, higher 
wages, shorter hours and improved working conditions 
of the laborers. The lower prices come about either 
through the normal force of competition or as a result 
of the profit- making superiority of a large market over 
a small one. But the higher wages depend chiefly, 
and at bottom almost entirely, upon the pressure that 
can be exerted by the workers, the success with which 
they can insist upon increased remuneration to main- 
tain higher standards of living along with the enlarging 



production of wealth. This ability to compel a just 
distribution of wealth is even more a matter of organ- 
ization among the laborers than ability to produce 
cheaply is a matter of organization among the capital- 
ists. Therefore, if those who are wasting time and 
strength in denouncing ''trusts' 5 as the great menace to 
American workingmen, would exert themselves to en- 
courage, advise and secure recognition for organized 
labor, they would really do something practical for 
economic justice, industrial peace and stability. 

Just at this moment, when the greatest industrial 
consolidation in the world's history has been consum- 
mated, it is of crucial importance that no point be lost 
in maintaining and advancing the proper status of 
organized labor. If a serious effort were to be made to 
break down labor organization or restrict the freedom 
of laborers to unite for mutual advantage and protec- 
tion, by discharging men for belonging to unions, the 
whole American people would have an interest in 
seeing that any such undertaking met with the most 
determined and widespread resistance. 

Coal Strike 

Fortunately all signs at present point 
away from any such disastrous tendency. 


In three very important instances lately, 
serious strikes have been averted by a mutual attitude 
of conciliation and conference, indicating a reasonable 
disposition on the part of the corporations and a spirit 
of willingness to "make haste slowly" on the part of 
the employees. Late in March there were prospects of 
a great strike in the anthracite coal region of Pennsyl- 
vania, over the wage scale for the coming year, and 
other matters. A party of labor leaders, headed by 
Father Phillips who was instrumental in settling the 
strike last fall, came to New York to confer with Mr. 
J. Pierpont Morgan as the representative of the con- 


trolling financial interests in the coal corporations and 
coal-carrying railroads. Mr. Morgan met and conferred 
with Father Phillips, and it is believed that a private 
conference was held with some of the labor men them- 
selves, including Mr. John Mitchell, president of the 
United Mine Workers' Association. Whether this 
latter meeting actually took place or not, the result of 
the negotiations was practically equivalent to recogni- 
tion of the mine workers' association. Assurances were 
given that the present advanced wage rates would be 
continued another year at least, and the executive com 
mittee of the miners' association has since given out a 
statement showing that, if the unions can prove their 
ability to control their men and abstain from engaging 
in local strikes during the present year, they are prac- 
tically assured of "full and complete recognition/ 
The committee adds that, while ' ' we were unable to 
secure all the concessions we hoped for and believe we 
are justly entitled to, we are of the opinion that the 
willingness of the various coal companies to receive 
committees representing mine workers for the adjudi- 
cation of grievances records an important advance step 
in the right direction and presages more harmonious 
and equitable relations between employers and em- 
ployees than have prevailed in the anthracite region 

Important Another threatened labor dispute of still 

Railroad Strike more recent origin has just reached 
Averted equally satisfactory settlement. This 

was on the Central Railroad of New Jersey, and the 
demands of the men were for increased wages, limita- 
tion of the length of a day's "run," etc. As in almost 
every other labor dispute where the company does not 
recognize the labor union, the trouble soon centered 
round the issue of whether the railroad officials would 


treat with committees representing the men or insist 
upon dealing with the employees individually. The 
efforts of the men to get a hearing for their committee 
were at first unsuccessful, but when a strike seemed 
imminent the vice-president of the company instructed 
the general superintendent and division superintendent 
to meet and confer with the committee and if possible 
adjust the grievances. This concession to reasonable- 
ness did what it always may be counted upon to do in 
similar cases, brought out the quality of reasonable- 
ness likewise in the other party, and in the resulting 
conference points were yielded on both sides and a 
strike averted. Some of the demands of the men were 
granted and others postponed for further discussion. 
Recognition of the employees' committee cost the com- 
pany nothing, saved it a costly strike, and will un- 
doubtedly gain it much in renewed harmony of relations 
and more faithful service from its men. Here, once 
more, the psychological influence of a just and friendly 
attitude counted for more than a full concession of the 
wage and other demands would have done, if coupled 
with refusal to recognize the employees' committee. 

Of still greater concern, with respect to 

Reinstatement .- ., n 1 - .,- ... 

Ends Steel Strike P ossl ble developments, than either the 
coal or the railroad controversies was the 
strike in one of the plants of the American Sheet Steel 
Company at McKeesport, Pennsylvania. No question 
of wages or hours seems to have been involved in this 
contest, but solely the issue of the men's right to join 
a union. Seven men were discharged from the Mc- 
Keesport works, presumably because they had joined 
a newly formed lodge of the Amalgamated Association 
of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers, and, on April i$th, 
about half the employees went on strike. It was de- 
clared by President Shaffer, of the association, that 

i 9 oi.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 389 

unless these men were reinstated a strike would be or- 
dered in every plant of the United States Steel Corpo- 
ration, of which the American Sheet Steel Company is 
a part. The controversy lasted several days, and the 
company, while refusing to recognize the union, never- 
theless did what amounted to the same thing in sending 
Mr. John Jarrett as a special representative to the 
meetings of the amalgamated association to argue the 
company's case and make propositions. Another im- 
portant conciliatory influence entered the contest in the 
person of Colonel G. W. French, vice-president of the 
Republic Iron and Steel Company, who volunteered to 
act somewhat in the capacity of mediator between the 
sheet steel company and the union. Finally, on April 
1 8th, Mr. Jarrett appeared before the executive board 
of the amalgamated association in Pittsburg and offered 
to reinstate all the discharged men except one, who was 
to be suspended ten days, which was afterward reduced 
by agreement to three days. The following agreement 
was drawn up and signed by President Shaffer and 
Secretary Williams of the amalgamated association, 
and Mr. Jarrett for the skeet steel company : 

" We have discovered, after a careful examination of the points at 
issue that, as usual, mistakes and misunderstandings underlie the trouble 
at McKeesport, and we reach the conclusion that it will be to the ad- 
vantage of all parties concerned to start the Wood mill with the old em- 
ployees on next Monday, April 22, 1901. 

1 ' And it is further agreed that the contract with reference to 
working conditions in the mill and scale matters shall be observed until 
July i, 1901, and in the mean time Mr. Smith and Mr. Holloway shall 
have a meeting to adjust any difficulty which may exist between them." 

We quote this agreement merely to show that, al- 
though the company refused to recognize the local 
union at McKeesport, it practically recognized organ- 
ized labor by treating with the amalgamated associa- 
tion and submitting propositions to it. Indeed, this is 
even more significant than a conference with the local 


union would have been, since the latter included some 
of the company's own employees, while the general 
association only indirectly represented them. 

The outcome of these controversies is most encour- 
aging. It gives evidence that the increasing organiza- 
tion of capital, instead of " crushing out" labor, is 
actually tending to make the pathway of industrial 
peace smoother. The fact is, these giant consolidations 
cannot afford to engage in costly labor contests. The 
number of employees is so large that if they should all 
go on strike it would be almost impossible to replace 
them, at least not until after enormous losses. This 
fact has already shown itself in practical experience to 
such an extent that prominent labor leaders frequently 
declare that they prefer to treat with these large estab- 
lishments than with petty corporations or small busi- 
ness firms. The normal progress of industrial organ- 
ization, both of capital and labor, will do away with the 
black list and hounding of labor unions, while pre- 
serving the economic advantages of competition, con- 
centration and expert specialization in productive meth- 
ods ; thus accomplishing by the natural economic process 
the very thing that radical "reformers " would have us 
believe can come only by arbitrary legislation, de- 
signed to revolutionize our industrial and social insti- 

It is always a pleasure to commend good 

Ramapo Charter , . _ - c ~, . 

Repealed conduct, and especially when found in 
unexpected quarters. The action of the 
New York legislature on the Ramapo scandal is one of 
these exceptional occasions for unqualified praise. 

On March i2th and i4th, respectively, the assem- 
bly and senate passed the bill repealing the Ramapo 
Water Company's charter, and on the igth Governor 
Odell signed the measure. Except for a possible con- 


test in the courts over the constitutionality of the re- 
peal, this ends the long struggle of New York city to 
regain the extraordinary privileges granted to the 
Ramapo Company six years ago. The good work is 
made more complete by the passage of laws enabling 
New York city to condemn lands for watersheds and to 
increase its debt limit for the purposes of additional 
water supply. The debt-limit law, however, is in re- 
ality an amendment to the constitution and will have 
to be repassed by another legislature and submitted to 
the people before it can go into effect. 

Excess of virtue sometimes brings reac- 

New York Cfty , , 

Charter Revision tlon to the opposite extreme. Appar- 
ently the legislature believed that by re- 
pealing the Ramapo charter it would get a reputation 
sufficient to cover many sins ; at least, this is a reason- 
able deduction from its handling of the New York 
charter revision problem. The bill embodying the 
recommendations of the charter-revision commission, 
appointed last year, was passed, with numerous amend- 
ments, early in April, and sent to the mayor of New 
York city for approval or disapproval, according to the 
routine required by law. The intent of the revision 
measure was to remedy the defects in the greater New 
York charter as brought out by experience, and in gen- 
eral to simplify and concentrate authority in both the 
legislative and executive departments of the city gov- 
ernment. It was proposed among other things to abol- 
ish the two houses of the municipal assembly (28 coun- 
cilmen and 61 aldermen), and substitute a board of 
aldermen of 120 members; give the mayor the power 
to remove heads of departments throughout his entire 
term instead of for only a limited period at the begin- 
ning, as now; abolish the board of public improve- 
ments, department of sewers, department of highways, 


department of buildings, department of public build- 
ings, lighting and supplies ; and transfer the functions 
of these boards chiefly to the respective borough presi- 
dents; increase the powers of the board of estimate 
and apportionment and give it eight members instead 
of five as now, the members to have graded voting 
power as follows : the mayor, controller, and president 
of the board of aldermen, three votes each ; presidents 
of the boroughs of Manhattan and Brooklyn, two votes 
each ; presidents of the boroughs of the Bronx, Queens 
and Richmond, one vote each; abolish the bi- partisan 
police commission and substitute a single police com- 
missioner ; establish a board of elections of four mem- 
bers, appointed by the mayor ; and take away from the 
heads of departments the power to fix salaries. 

Most of these changes were real improvements, but 
by the time the revised charter had gone through the 
legislature it was loaded down with ''job " amendments 
designed to make the distribution of political spoils 
easy and prolong the grip of the "bosses" on the city 
government. Such, for example, was the provision that 
city magistrates shall be appointed by the mayor in 
Manhattan borough but elected (and their number in- 
creased) from specially arranged districts in Brooklyn 
borough, while only in Manhattan need these magis- 
trates be lawyers ; the provision authorizing the board 
of education to appropriate school funds for the sup- 
port of private schools ; the provision appropriating 
160,000 a year for printing official notices, etc., in 
daily newspapers of the two leading political parties in 
the boroughs of the Bronx, Queens and Richmond, 
papers which could be brought into existence solely on 
the strength of this booty and officially "designated" 
to receive it by the party committees in the boroughs 

Mayor Van Wyck vetoed the revision measure but 


it has been repassed by the legislature by almost a strict 
party vote, the republicans for and the democrats 
against it ; and signed by the governor. Just before the 
adjournment of the legislature, additional measures 
were passed, weeding out some of the offensive amend- 
ments referred to, especially the printing appropriation 
and "private school " schemes. But the people cannot 
and will not forget that the attempt was made, at first 
successfully, and only defeated by a storm of public in- 
dignation, to foist this series of offensive jobs on the 
municipality. Already, the moral effect has injured 
the prospects of a good-government victory in the 
coming municipal election, because it has been made 
clear that, once given power and a sufficient temptation, 
the republican organization in this state and city is 
quite as capable of corruption as Tammany itself. 

The taking prisoner of Emilio Agui- 
Captureof naldo on March 23rd is the most notable 


occurrence in the Philippine warfare, 
since the outbreak of hostilities in February, 1899. 
Undoubtedly the power of the Filipino leader had 
declined during the last year, but he was still the most 
conspicuous personage among the hostile natives and 
wielded a considerable influence even where his 
authority was no longer recognized. He was not taken 
in open conflict, but as the result of a rather dubious 
exploit planned and executed by General Funston, who 
has since been made a brigadier general in the regular 
army in special recognition of this service. Funston's 
success was made possible by the treachery of four of 
Aguinaldo's former officers, who guided the party to 
the Filipino camp at Palanan, near the east coast of 
Luzon and north of Manila. Funston took with him 
four American officers and a party of about eighty 
Macabebes, the latter dressed as Filipino soldiers and 


laborers. Word was sent to Aguinaldo, by the help of 
insurgents who were deceived by the uniforms, that a 
body of Filipino soldiers had captured five Americans 
and were now bringing them to his headquarters. 
Along with this information, and to assist in the de- 
ception, Funston sent two forged letters addressed to 
Aguinaldo and purporting to come from the Filipino 
general Lacuna, whose camp with official papers, seals, 
etc., had been captured by our troops some time 

Aguinaldo was completely deceived and even sent 
out supplies to the approaching party, with orders to 
treat the American prisoners kindly. When the Maca- 
bebes, led by the four Filipino traitors and ostensibly 
conveying the five Americans as prisoners, got within 
Aguinaldo's camp, they suddenly opened fire and took 
the Filipino leader prisoner. The party then marched 
to Palanan Bay and were brought back to Manila on the 
Vicksburg. Aguinaldo, recognizing the hopelessness of 
the Filipino cause, has since taken the oath of allegi- 
ance to the United States and prepared an address to 
his people, advising them to give up the struggle and 
incidentally trying to justify his own recantation by 
declaring that the policy of peace through surrender 
has already been "joyfully" accepted by the majority 
of his countrymen. 

The method by which this ' ' master- 
Moral Aspect of stroke was accomplished has been 

Funston's Exploit / 

fiercely assailed and stoutly defended, 

and of the controversy as a whole it may be said that 
while the criticisms have been made on moral grounds 
the defence has been almost uniformly upon technical 
grounds. The old cynicism: "All is fair in war" has 
been made to do such noisy duty in this case that in the 
din one might almost forget that with the moral progress 


of civilization it was long ago established that all is not 
fair in war. Some of the more intolerable things have 
even found their way into codes of international agree- 
ment, and among them is the prohibition of the use of 
an enemy's uniform to deceive him. Professor Theo- 
dore S. Woolsey, of Yale University, in a recent con- 
tribution to the Outlook, speaks of this practice as pro- 
hibited not only by the Hague Conference of 1899, but 
by the Oxford Code of the Institute of International 
Law, and by the Brussels Code of 1875. Prof. Wool- 
sey's justification of Funston's act is that Aguinaldo's 
army and government were not recognized by any civ- 
ilized power and hence not entitled to the rights of 
belligerents. In fighting them, "he says, " in turn the 
United States is not bound by rules which are only 
binding reciprocally when the other party observes 
them also." In other words, my neighbor and I may 
agree not to cheat each other, but remain perfectly free 
to cheat a third party if we do not choose to give that 
third party the opportunity to pledge himself not to 
cheat us. 

The importance of discussing the moral bearing of 
Funston's exploit, confessedly a daring and clever one in 
itself, lies in its effect upon our standards of justice and 
quality of ethical thinking here at home. To us, Prof. 
Woolsey's argument seems wonderfully like the old 
Hebrew notion of morality, which required a Jew to 
observe strict justice towards other Jews but permitted 
him to " spoil " the stranger whenever he could lay 
hands upon him. The international code of warfare 
was adopted upon the broadest moral and humanitarian 
considerations, but it would seem now that civilization 
is not even morally obligated to observe it towards 
others who would gladly accept it and actually do ob- 
serve it, but only towards those whom it chooses to 
"recognize" as entitled to the benefit of moral law. 


Logically carried out, this interpretation would permit 
a civilized country to practice against " unrecognized " 
enemies any of the gross offenses forbidden by the code. 
Prof. Woolsey says: No, the rules of humanity must 
still govern. But why? Certainly not because the 
code makes any distinction between the different kinds 
of outrage or perfidy it forbids. If "humanity" must 
govern our relations, what are the things humanity 
enforces upon us ? Who is to decide ? As we have said, it 
was upon principles of humanity and morality that 
every provision of the international code was based, 
and if any of them apply to unrecognized governments 
they ought all so to apply. Warfare at best is a carni- 
val of barbarities and immoralities, and the code only 
pretends to cover the more glaring and despicable out- 
rages against common humanity and fairness. If these 
are too bad to be tolerated against recognized belliger- 
ents they are too bad to be tolerated against any mili- 
tary body which is willing to and does refrain from 
these acts on its own part. 

Even Prof. Woolsey admits that the rules of the 
international code should be binding upon one party 
" when the other party observes them also," whether 
that other party is a recognized belligerent or not. There 
is no evidence that the Filipinos have been less obser- 
vant of these rules than our own forces ; on the con- 
trary, it is matter of record that they have conducted 
an orderly warfare, and shown a degree of considera- 
tion and humanity in the treatment of American pris- 
oners which might have been copied with considerable 
profit by some of the "civilized " powers in their deal- 
ings with the Chinese during the last few months. 
General Funston's method cannot be justified on the 
ground of Filipino perfidy, and therefore, if Prof. 
Woolsey is right, it is not clear how it can be justified 
at all. 


Moreover, our own general, MacArthur, as recently 
as December 2oth last, issued a proclamation to all in- 
habitants of the islands, whether in arms or not, com- 
manding them to observe all the "laws of war" and 
quoting several provisions from the international code. 
As the Springfield Republican observes : 

" What of the legality after all a mere husk of setting up a code 
of laws for your enemy to follow and then violating them yourself, in 
the most deliberate style, at the first opportunity? 

Of course, indefensible and even dishon- 
our Philippine ora ble acts must be expected occasionally 
Policy Henceforth 

under conditions so peculiar, but when 

we begin seriously to justify all this and accept it as a 
part of our customary and excusable way of doing 
things it is a grave misfortune and points to a relaxa- 
tion of moral backbone and gradual drift towards the 
cynical spirit of: "Whatever succeeds is right." If this 
republic should lose its grip on the high principles 
wrought into its very foundations, it will decline from 
its long-maintained position of moral leadership and 
come to be reckoned with simply as one more commer- 
cialized factor. Its influence, if that time arrives, will 
be estimated in advance according to its probable inter- 
est or share in new fields of trade or conquest rather 
than by its disinterested love of fairness or devotion to 
the rights of man. 

Much as our public opinion ought to deplore the fact 
that Aguinaldo was not taken in an open, straightfor- 
ward way, it is far better for all concerned that the 
Filipino resistance is finally brought so near its end. 
The administration was determined not to offer any 
hope of future independence, and therefore peace 
could not have been restored except by some such con- 
clusive stroke as this. Probably the road will soon be 
clear for determining our future political relations to 
the islands, free from the distracting effects of an ac- 


tive military problem. Neither the capture of Agui- 
naldo, nor the possible ending of hostilities which may 
soon follow, will alter the fact that our highest duty 
toward these people and toward ourselves is to prepare 
them for independent self-government at some future 
time and not make them an integral part of the United 
States. The Filipinos, whether in rebellion or in sub- 
mission, are equally unsuited to become governing units 
in a free democracy of Anglo-Saxon people of the 
highest social and intellectual status in the world. 
They may, however, attain capacity for independent 
self-government fitted to their own needs and peculiari- 
ties, and it is to this end that our policy ought to be 
directed, with them no less than with the Cubans, whom 
Admiral Dewey emphatically declared inferior to the 
Filipinos in several important respects. 

However well- deserved General Kit- 

Chener ' s militar y putation may be, he 
is earning no fresh laurels of conse- 
quence in the South African campaign. DeWet is not 
only still at large but continues to raid the British in 
unexpected quarters, capture occasional squads of men 
and carry off supplies. Nevertheless, it has been re- 
ported frequently of late that the hopelessness of his 
cause has driven DeWet to the verge of insanity, so 
that he is mentally irresponsible for his acts. Possibly 
on account of this, General Botha, commanding the 
remnants of the Transvaal army, has been growing 
more and more anxious for peace, and on February 
2/th he met General Kitchener in conference. The 
terms offered to the Boers included amnesty for all 
bona fide acts of war, return of Boer prisoners from St. 
Helena and Ceylon, establishment of civil administra- 
tion and later of a representative government, estab 
lishment of a high court independent of the executive, 


non- molestation of land, church property, trusts and 
orphan funds, teaching of the English and Dutch lan- 
guages, payment of Boer debts to the amount of 
1,000,000 even if contracted during the war, and lim- 
itation of the franchise rights of the Kaffirs when such 
rights are extended to them under the future represen- 
tative government. To this was added subsequently an 
offer to lend money to the Boers for rebuilding houses 
and restocking farms, and a proposition that in the new 
government to be established there would be a council 
including some of the prominent Boer leaders. 

General Botha rejected these terms, for just what 
reasons is not clearly known, but the chief is believed 
to have been his determined opposition to having Sir 
Alfred Milner made governor of the Transvaal, which 
was understood to be a part of the British program. 
If there is really nothing more serious than this in the 
way, a common basis for peace will probably be found 
before many weeks, covering at least the Transvaal 
situation, whether DeWet can be persuaded to surrender 
or not. 

Early in April the Chinese government 

Manchuria Saved . ,-, 

to China formally declined to accept the treaty 

proposed by Russia regarding Manchuria. 
The expressed opposition of England, the United States 
and Japan to the signing of any such treaty is undoubt- 
edly what encouraged China to take this action, and on 
the other hand prevented Russia from trying to force it 
upon China by threats of punishment. At the time the 
three protests referred to were made it was not clearly 
understood just what the Manchuria treaty contained, 
and, even though Russia has since explained that it was 
simply to provide for maintaining peace in the province 
until Russian troops could be withdrawn, the net effect 
would probably have been prolonged Russian occupa- 


tion and steady growth of Russian influence, leading 
towards a protectorate if not annexation at some future 
date. It is gratifying to note that our own government 
did not heed the clamor against taking any further 
action in the Chinese negotiations, but consistently 
acted on the theory that, having shared the responsi- 
bility of invading China, we could not properly with- 
draw until we had fully discharged our share of the 
obligations growing out of that action. We have defi- 
nitely taken a stand for the "open door'' in China, have 
so declared ourselves to the powers, and could not with 
self-respect withdraw from that position at the first sign 
of a dispute over it. The "open door," as opposed to 
dismemberment, is the cause not only of civilization 
but of justice to China. To stand firmly for this cause 
is one of the most creditable things, in foreign policy, 
that our government has an opportunity of doing, at 
present, anywhere. 

Another and no less creditable thing is 
The Question of f or Qur g Overnme nt to stand out against 
Indemnities * 

the efforts of some of the powers to ex- 
tort absurd indemnities (fully $500,000,000) from China 
for the Boxer outrages of last year. Payment should 
be made, and ample payment, sufficient to serve as a 
lasting warning against any more such offenses, but to 
demand more than five times as much as a liberal esti- 
mate of all the damages and expenses would amount 
to, including the losses of the missionaries, simply 
because China is helpless and cannot resist, is unworthy 
of Christendom, and is the more offensive because the 
burden will fall in the shape of heavy additional taxa- 
tion on the whole poverty-stricken Chinese population, 
the great majority of whom had nothing whatever to do 
with the Boxer uprisings. The total revenues of the 
empire are estimated to amount to only about $65,000,- 


ooo per year. Of course, the innocent members of a 
community always have to share in the payment of just 
penalties for offences committed by any portion of it, 
but, when the penalty demanded is exorbitant and op- 
pressive, the misfortune of the innocent majority becomes 
a moral problem which the claimants cannot dodge 
merely by appealing to the technicalities of "national 

It may be urged that no sum is too large for the 
human lives lost in China, but it is a recognized prin- 
ciple of equity that when damages are being collected 
from a community or organization for offences commit- 
ted by some of its members the penalty, which is to fall 
alike upon the innocent and guilty, must be within rea- 
sonable limits. It is upon this manifestly just principle 
that the limit of damages which may be collected from 
a railroad company in many of our states, for the kill- 
ing of a human being, is fixed at $5,000, although from 
the standpoint of the relatives and friends no conceiva- 
ble sum of money would have been accepted in exchange 
for that person's life. If there was criminal careless- 
ness, the full penalty for manslaughter may be visited 
only upon the one directly guilty. As a matter of fact, 
no money indemnity is adequate reparation for the 
taking of a human life, and, in the case of China, the 
chief reparation exacted might much better take the 
form of such measures and concessions as will guarantee 
future peace with freedom of industry and protection 
of individual rights. 

Russia demands 90,000,000, France $65,000,000, 
and Germany $60,000,000, for military expenses alone, 
exclusive of penalties quite as large or larger for the 
losses of life and property suffered by missionaries aud 
others in China. The fact that England demands only 
$22,500,000, and the United States $25,000,000 with an 
offer to reduce this one-half if the others will do the 


same, throws some light on the probable reasonable- 
ness of the Russian, French and German claims. It 
should be remembered that these demands are not of 
the character of war indemnities, such as Germany ex- 
acted from France in 1870. There has been no "war" 
between the powers and the Chinese government ; no 
declarations of war were made and no ministers re- 
called. Although the circumstances were extraordi- 
nary and aggravated, these claims for indemnity are 
really of the same sort that governments frequently 
present to each other for outrages committed against 
the citizens or property of the one within the borders 
of the other. Such claims are always supposed to be 
reckoned on some reasonable estimate of the actual 
losses incurred . In the present case the powers must also 
be remunerated for having had to take the place of the 
Chinese government in protecting foreign interests in 
China and restoring order, but this does not alter the 
principle of the case ; and, if the dispute were between 
two European countries instead of between Christendom 
and China, no other basis of settlement would be toler- 
ated. It is to be hoped that the United States at least 
will take no part in a policy which can only convince 
the "heathen" Chinaman that the Christianity long 
preached to him by western missionaries simmers itself 
down in practical experience to the doctrine of : "Might 
makes right." 




I was in Europe some six months of last year, and 
as my interest in labor questions is deep I improved 
as many opportunities as were open to me to observe 
cooperation as it is. Without making an exhaustive 
study, which was out of the question, I saw a number 
of men and institutions that are doubtless attractive to 
the readers of GUNTON'S MAGAZINE, and I will therefore 
report of them briefly. 

An American advocate of profit-sharing naturally 
makes his way in London, first of all, perhaps, to the 
headquarters of the Labour Association * 'for promoting 
cooperative production based on the copartnership of 
the workers," at No. 15 Southampton Row, Holborn, not 
far from the British Museum. Needless to say, he will 
meet there a cordial reception from Mr. Henry Vivian, 
the energetic secretary of the association. Mr. Vivian is 
a self-made man, as we say here, but not one of those 
who worship their maker with too profound an adoration. 
A graduate of the factory, he has a mind of much natu- 
ral force and speaks with a simplicity and directness 
that commend his well-reasoned addresses on his favor- 
ite subject to a working-class audience as well as to per- 
sons who have had what is called a liberal education. 
He has a thorough command of the logic and the facts 
of profit-sharing, and is a persuasive apostle of its gos- 
pel. Labour Copartnership, the excellent monthly organ 
of the association, keeps standing at the head of each 
number a short statement, "To New Readers," of the 
principle in industry for which it contends, ' 'and of the 



progress which has been made in the application of it 
. . . we advocate the copartnership, that is, the 
equal partnership, of labour with capital, the system 
under which, in the first place, a substantial and known 
share of the profit of a business belongs to the workers 
in it, not by right of any shares they may hold, or any 
other title, but simply by right of the labour they have 
contributed to make the profit; and . . . every 
worker is at liberty to invest his profit, or savings, in 
shares of the society or company, and so become a 
member entitled to vote on the affairs of the body 
which employs him. This system is no mere dream. 
It is already carried out by British productive busi- 
nesses which at the end of 1 899 (statistics for Ireland 
are given separately) numbered 102, had a capital of 
1,285,339; sold in the year 2,476,216 worth of goods; 
made a net profit of 135,100 (after deducting losses); 
and paid to labour, in addition to provident funds, a sum 
not easily ascertained, but exceeding 19,000, as labour's 
share of the results over and above standard wages. In 
some the part of labour, whether in profit or in manage- 
ment, is smaller, and in some larger, but in all there is 
copartnership." * 

This brief statement will suffice to denote the po- 
sition, both logical and self-consistent, it appears to me, 

*These figures of capital and sales refer, it should be remembered 
by readers of cooperative literature, to productive cooperation in which 
the principle of profit-sharing is recognized. In the last report of the 
Central Board of the Cooperative Union, made at Cardiff, June 4, 1900, 
the "returns relating to cooperative production" give the total capital 
employed in Great Britain for 1899 as 2, 539, 013, the sales during the year 
as 5,729,349, the profit as 307,725 and the loss as ^4, 842. But these 
figures include the large factories and flour mills of the English Whole- 
sale Society and some other minor productive enterprises, which do not 
give a bonus to labor, but only to the shareholder and the consumer. 
The figures of the Labour Association, on the other hand, include the 
Scottish Wholesale Society, which recognizes the copartnership princi- 


of those Englishmen and Scotchmen who are co- 
operators in fact as well as in name, if the name means 
"working together" on the principle of equality and 
sharing the results. The membership of the labour 
association includes, as the observer from abroad will 
quickly see from running over the list, the vast ma- 
jority (if it is not almost a monopoly) of those who 
claim to be the 'thinkers" in the general cooperative 
movement in Great Britain. The authorities of the 
English Wholesale Society and their sympathizers on 
this point (of refusing a bonus in wages to their actual 
workers in the so-called cooperative stores and factories) 
are men whose great ability in business is very evident, 
whose devotion to cooperation as they understand it is 
unquestionable, but whose methods of reasoning and 
whose prejudices are typically those of business men 
in the world outside of the cooperative movement. It 
was their fathers or grandfathers who did the thinking re - 
quired to make the cooperative stores the great success 
they have become. This generation has the usual 
business-man's pride in the imposing figures of the 
sales and profits of the stores and the English whole- 
sale. Its chief maxim (or sub-conscious principle) is 
" Let well enough alone," one always brought forward 
when men who reason out principles ask them to take 
the worker into full cooperation as the natural next 
step in the application of true cooperative ideas. 
"Philistine" is perhaps a. much overworked epithet 
since Matthew Arnold first employed it, but surely it 
has few applications more just than to the English co- 
operators who here reject the logic of Neale and 
Hughes and Holyoake, and all the economists of Eng- 
land with scarcely an exception. I met at Cardiff, last 
June, the business leaders of the Wholesale Society, 
and endeavored to realize the state of mind which leads 
them to part company with men whose ability and sin- 

406 G UN TON'S MA GA ZINE [May, 

cerity in the cause of cooperation they never incline to 
dispute the " children of light " preeminently in their 
body. But I could perceive no specific difference (so 
far as my opportunities of conversation and attending 
meetings went) between what I may call, for conven- 
ience' sake, "the English Wholesale mind" and the 
mind, familiar to all of us, of the ordinary business 
man, averse to any change in his relations with his 
employees, and impatient to a degree with reformers 
or " theorists '' of any description. *' The Labour As- 
sociation mind " appeared to me to be really a mind, 
i. e., a power of thinking over new ideas and following 
out principles to their natural conclusions and proper 
results. The Labour Association people have ideas and 
are willing to move with them ; the Philistines have a 
set of prejudices to which they adhere with that virtue 
we are so wont to call " firmness " in ourselves. 

For an outsider it is difficult to see what serious 
danger could threaten such a great concern as the 
" Wheatsheaf " shoe works at Leicester for instance, 
making a million and a half pairs of boots and shoes 
annually, if they gave their thousand employees a 
modest bonus on wages, such as much smaller coopera- 
tive concerns in the same town give and still prosper 
or rather, one might well say, are more prosperous 
because they do pay a bonus. Nevertheless, the long 
contest in the cooperative movement between the con- 
servatives and the liberals on this matter seems to have 
resulted in a virtual victory for the conservative ele- 
ment. The subject is now avoided at the congresses 
and the liberals express little hope of a change of heart 
or a change of program on the part of their more 
numerous opponents. An American may be excused 
for having faith that the very evident logic of coopera- 
tion will work itself clear in time, if not with the help 
of this sincere but intellectually limited majority, then 


without them, or against them. That cooperation is to 
stop with consumption is a supposition quite too dim- 
cult for a far-seeing mind to entertain. English coop- 
erators even now are not allowed to enjoy the complete 
pleasure of their prejudices ; sometimes it is a trade- 
unionist like Mr. Steadman, the East London M.P., 
speaking at Cardiff, who reminds them of their incon- 
sistencies;* sometimes it is an economist like Prof. 
Marshall or Prof. Nicholson; sometimes it is the 
Spectator or the Speaker, that points out with more or less 
mildness the better way; their feet will not know 
lasting peace until they tend in that direction ! 

It was my good fortune to attend the first day's 
session of the Cooperative Union at Cardiff (a body too 
few Americans see), and two or three preliminary 
meetings. Other unions produce as big pamphlets as 
this union every year (the report is a formidable docu- 
ment), or even bigger, but I doubt if the American 
traveler in England can find a convention of a thousand 
men that will impress him more favorably than such 
a congress. We Americans have so many compliments 

*Mr. Steadman said that "he had been a trade-unionist for over 
twenty-six years, and he was proud to stand upor that or any other 
platform as a representative of the organized labor of the country. He 
had never been a keen sympathizer with the cooperative movement for 
this reason. If he purchased some goods at the stores, and if, after 
spending a sovereign, his only object was to secure a five per cent, 
dividend, he might just as well spend his money with a private capital- 
ist as with the stores which are run upon the lines of dividend hunters. 
He might be mistaken (cries of ' You are ! ') but, if he were, so much 
the better. He did know a small productive society in his own con- 
stituency that not only paid trade union wages, but also gave the workers 
a share in the profits. If that was cooperation, if all other cooperative 
organizations were run on similar lines, then he was a cooperator." 

This quotation from the official report of the Cardiff congress, re- 
lating to a most interesting incident of the first day's proceedings, shows 
the feeling entertained by many trade-unionists, and the ill grace with 
which the criticism was received witnesses the sensitiveness which 
people in the wrong usually feel toward comment which they have voted 
down in their own body by force of numbers. 


paid us by foreigners on our readiness of speech on 
the platform or the floor of a convention" that we 
have gotten into a way of expecting painful slowness 
or hesitancy from the average Briton on his feet in 
the agony of making "a few remarks." But we are 
Quickly undeceived by such steadily good speaking as 
the cooperative congress affords ready, consecutive, 
unrhetorical, preeminently sane and sober discussion 
of the matter in hand. The verbosity and superficial- 
ity of too many American speakers on such an occa- 
sion would be painful to one who attends in order to 
get facts and truth, not to be drenched with " words, 
words." The solid, concrete English mind was here 
to be seen at its best, exemplifying the finest tradi- 
tions of respect for free speech and demand for 
sound speech, and obedience to the laws of parlia- 
mentary discourse. It was a congress of labor with 
the demagogue silent and the usual "flea of con- 
ventions" absent! 

The most attractive figure at the congress was, of 
course, the "old man eloquent " who is now the veteran 
par Eminence of these gatherings. A congress without 
the fine presence and the vigorous word of Mr. George 
Jacob Holyoake would be sadly lacking. Eighty-three 
years young on this occasion, he obeyed the voice at 
eve, obeyed at prime, and did not omit, in season or 
out of season, to remind cooperators to be faithful to 
the whole body of doctrine as delivered by such 
apostles as Neale and Hughes. When Mr. Holyoake 
has gone over like them to the vast and increasing 
majority, the leadership of the liberal wing will proba- 
bly be accredited generally to Mr. William Maxwell, 
the chairman of the Scottish Wholesale Society, whose 
great business abilities are not separate from a profound 
attachment to the principle of fraternity in industry to 
its fullest extent. His position gives him great ad- 


vantage in championing the cause of labor copartner- 
ship, and if he should be elected to the next parliament 
(his candidacy this last fall was unsuccessful on account 
of the war feeling) he will take the prominent position 
before the general public to which his unusual powers 
as a thinker and as an orator entitle him. Mr. F. Mad- 
isson, lately M. P. for a Sheffield constituency, takes 
in these days a notable part in the cooperative move- 
ment, and it is to be hoped that his voice may again be 
heard in St. Stephen's, where his sincerity and his sanity 
won the respect of the house for a self-made man well 

Mr. Aneurin Williams, treasurer of the Labour As- 
sociation, is one of the last persons whom an American 
friendly to cooperation should leave unvisited ; in more 
ways than one he has followed in the footsteps of Mr. E. 
V. Neale, and he aids the association with a personality 
of unusual attraction. Mr. George Thomson, the 
woolen manufacturer of Huddersfield who applies the 
Ruskinian doctrines of truth and sincerity to that busi- 
ness, is another man who should be better known to 
us. This industrial partnership is one of the most im- 
portant cooperating enterprises in England, not so 
much for its size or its success, thus far, as for its con- 
sistency and courage in adherence to principles. The 
American who visits Huddersfield to see the unique 
establishment should also see at Hebden Bridge, near 
by, the oldest and most successful of profit-sharing co- 
operative manufactories in Great Britain. Here Mr. 
Joseph Greenwood, a cheerful veteran of the cause, 
.and his associates frankly make fustian and sell it as such 
to a cooperative world not yet educated up as a whole 
to Mr. Thomson's standard of perfection in woolen 
goods. The esteem which these two men feel for each 
other reminds us how necessary it is in a varied world 
to meet different demands. Mr. Greenwood is one of 


the first to say that Mr. Thomson's way is best, if only 
cooperators could be made to see it, and wear, as he 
himself does, the product of the Huddersfield mill. 

While I am speaking of persons, let me advise visit- 
ors to cooperative England in the near years before 
us to make, if possible and proper, the acquaintance of 
Mr. J. M. Ludlow, the associate of Maurice and Kings- 
ley. If he is able to see them, they will converse with 
a beautiful spirit, and see a man with a wonderful pair 
of eyes for eighty. Mr. George Livesey, the chief 
director of the South Metropolitan Gas Works in Lon- 
don, is carrying profit-sharing on to what he considers 
its natural and desirable development in the workman- 
stockholder and the workman- director, and he is sure to 
have a great influence on the future of English labor, 
if his measures succeed, as they have so far succeeded. 
Mr. Walter Hazell, lately M. P. for Leicester (an in- 
stance of the excellent English custom of allowing a 
constituency to choose its representatives from any 
part of the land), is another of the employers of labor 
on a large scale who put conscience into their work, 
and are always desirous to "become better employers." 
Mr. Hazell's plans of "industrial betterment" for his 
large printing establishment deserve study. 

At Manchester and London one may see the im- 
mense warehouses of the English Wholesale Society, 
and come into pleasant contact with the sturdy Britons 
like Messrs. Shillito (the present chairman,) Ben Jones 
and F. Hardern, who indeed reject profit-sharing as an 
error of the doctrinaire, but show an amount of good 
"horse- sense" and solid English manliness that can 
but win the respect of any one not in fact a doctrinaire 
himself. Mr. J. C. Gray, the efficient secretary of the 
cooperative board, will be sure to extend every cour- 
tesy to an American sympathizer with distributive 


The important thing, however, for one to do who 
would know how cooperative production stands to-day 
in England is to visit Leicester or Kettering, or better, 
as they are only twenty miles apart, Leicester and 
Kettering. For the ordinary tourist Leicester (which 
he is too little apt to see) has the attraction of great 
antiquity, running back to Caesar's time, of which nu- 
merous relics have been preserved ; on the lines of en- 
larged municipal activity it is one of the most advanced 
towns in England: and Kettering is an admirable 
instance showing how neat a manufacturing place 
may be which has grown up out of an old village. In 
these two places, (Leicester a " city '' as we should say, 
of 150,000 people, and Kettering one of 25,000), co- 
operation of all kinds has flourished greatly, and 
especially has cooperative production done exceedingly 
well of late years. I will not go into details, as Mr. 
H. D. Lloyd's very readable book on "Labour Co- 
partnership " is easily accessible with its chapters 
on these two places; but I will quote from the "Co- 
operative Year Book" for 1900 this brief table giving 
the progress of working-class copartnership in these 
two midland towns. 


Profit, after pay- 
No, of ing 5 per cent. 
Year. Societies. Capital. Trade. on capital. 

1888 2 6,800 ll,28o 260 

1898 7 81,300 130,000 5,694 


1889 i 1,032 3,588 328 
1898 5 28,010 85,086 5,411 

A point to which Mr. Lloyd does not call especial 
attention interested me as a student of economics not a 
little. I "wanted to know" how the managers of 

412 G UN TON 'S MA GAZINE [May, 

these cooperative productive concerns think and feel 
about their " wages of superintendence," which are 
usually very low from an American standpoint, being 
oftentimes not much more than the wages of a skilled 
workman. Of course one must be mindful, in estimat- 
ing the work such a manager is called upon to do, that 
most, if not all, of his trade comes from the Wholesale 
Society, his product going into the distributive stores 
through this agency, and that a business connection 
thus made is easily kept up by maintaining the excel- 
lence of the product. Much anxiety is thus taken off 
from the manager's mind, and he can devote himself 
more freely to the direct superintendence of the manu- 
facture. But, often, these managers, who have usually 
risen from the ranks, are men who would receive at 
least twice or three times as much salary if at the head 
of factories of the same kind, conducted on the common 
lines. I questioned some seven or eight such managers 
in Leicester and Kettering on this point. With one 
exception, they agreed that, from the economic stand- 
point, it is a mistake for the societies to pay such 
small salaries, inasmuch as the ability shown is not 
sufficiently rewarded. Cooperators are properly anxious 
that the various grades of hand labor shall be fully 
recompensed ; but they do not rate brain labor suffi- 
ciently high in comparison. The managers who thus 
expressed themselves were not complaining ; they were 
accepting, as we all have to do in one way or another, 
a condition of things which can change only gradually. 
The one manager who was the exception had had 
but a few months' experience in his place, in the shop 
where he had been a foreman, and he emphasized the 
fact that the Wholesale is their only customer. He 
seemed to me too modest, and the others as not at 
all irrational in thinking that their salaries should be 
higher. But they are all true " cooperative men" in 


the sense that they believe in cooperation to the extent 
of making it practically a religious faith for which they 
are willing to sacrifice or to suffer. (I am not saying 
that this is their only religion ; on the point of their 
conventional religiousness I am not well informed.) 
They are loyal to their fellow laboring men and are 
willing to work for half-pay, so to speak, for the good 
of the cause. Such a sacrifice should not be perman- 
ently demanded of them by the rank and file of work- 
ingmen ; in time the mistake will probably be cor- 
rected. But we see here an example of the cooperative 
spirit, which it would be vain to expect in the United 
States where the cooperative man is not so thoroughly 
or so frequently developed. But with such earnest and 
capable men abounding in England, one of the chief 
difficulties in the way of cooperative production here 
is absent. The "cooperative man," able to lead, will 
work for a small salary, and he will stay with his so- 
ciety as a rule, when offered higher pay in the outside, 
competitive world. Judging from the progress made 
in the last ten years in England, we may wisely expect 
to see cooperative production become a much larger 
factor in the national life than it has been, or now is. 


Political parties come into existence for the pur- 
pose of incorporating certain ideas into the public policy 
of the nation. They are born with a program which 
generally rests on some moral idea, economic or polit- 
ical policy. To the extent that these ideas represent 
the consensus of the community and are honestly lived 
up to, the party grows in strength and influence and 
exercises a wholesome moral as well as political influ- 
ence upon the nation. So long as a party is vitalized 
by an idea, whether in the majority or not, it is usually 
clean and aggressive. 

On the other hand, it is as natural as for the sea- 
sons to follow each other that political parties will 
sterilize and decline in character and influence in pro- 
portion as moral ideas and vital principles cease to be 
their controlling motives. A party is born with a pro- 
gram and dies when the program is exhausted, unless 
a new program is evolved. Success tends to beget 
self-confidence, which grows into conceit, and is fol- 
lowed by indifference to principle and high standards 
of public policy. Leadership through ideas is gradually 
converted into dictatorship through the distribution of 
rewards and punishments from the " flesh-pots" of 

The republican party appears to be nearing, if it 
has not already reached, this stage. When it was born, 
in 1856, it came with a mission. Its program was 
national unity, human freedom and equal rights. It 
led the forces of civilization against the last remnants 
of the slave system in Christendom. It placed itself 
upon the basis of moral ideas and human rights, first in 
the form of resisting the extension of the iniquitous 



system of human slavery. This soon involved the fur- 
ther step of defending the principle of national unity, 
which made the United States a nation instead of a 
federation of petty sovereignties. 

Inspired with the moral and political righteousness 
of its policy, it neither wavered nor weakened, but rose 
to the occasion with every increase of responsibility. 
It then commanded the endorsement and admiration of 
the best minds of every race and nation, and earned 
the title of "the party of moral ideas." Then it was 
progressive and inspiring, pure and elevating, a leader 
in progress, patriotism and civilization. It saved the 
union, blotted out slavery, and made the United States 
a nation. Under its leadership for a quarter of a cen- 
tury the nation experienced unparalleled industrial 
development and prosperity. New states were added 
in the West and new industries in the East. During 
this period we passed from a comparatively insignificant 
agricultural country to the foremost industrial nation of 
the world; showing greater progress in wealth, popu- 
lation, intelligence and popular welfare than ever 
marked the history of any other people in double the 
length of time. 

Here the republican party reached the end of its 
program, and instead of developing in ideas and states- 
manship commensurate with the progress of the country 
it began to fossilize. It became self-satisfied and indif- 
ferent to the high principles it had made historic, and 
began to bask in the sunshine of office and to rely on 
the favor of patronage for success. 

Thus, instead of entering upon a new era of high 
statesmanship, the republican party entered upon the 
stage of degeneracy and sterility. Already great lead- 
ership has practically disappeared from its ranks, and 
in the place of leaders are now mere "boss" dictators, 
deriving their power from the control of patronage. 


This substitution of dictators for leaders lias practically 
obliterated political principle from the policy of the re- 
publican party. It is no longer "the party of moral 
ideas." The Monroe doctrine, which was the guiding 
principle in our international relations, has been prac- 
tically forgotten, and under the rudderless policy of 
" drift " a republican administration has committed the 
nation to a colonial system utterly foreign to our tra- 
ditions, habits, experience and interests, and justified 
on neither economic, moral nor political grounds. It 
has saddled us with the government of several groups 
of semi-barbaric peoples, which will be a permanent 
burden upon the nation, creating new sources of patron- 
age and corruption, leading to fraud, maladministra- 
tion and political degeneracy, to the distraction and 
discredit of the nation. Moreover, the national admin- 
istration is so encompassed by the degenerate dictator- 
ship of local bosses that dishonesty and corruption by 
federal officers cannot be suppressed. The threats of the 
local "boss" paralyze the hands of the president himself. 
During the last few years this deadening process has 
grown apace. In Pennsylvania, where the republican 
party is securely in power, the organization manager 
dictates, not merely public policies but the details of 
scandalous, vindictive legislation, even to taking away 
the elective rights of cities as a punishment for diso- 
bedience to the boss. Perhaps the most surprising fea- 
ture of this is that Quay's ability to order his legisla- 
ture to abolish the office of mayor in three cities and 
substitute a recorder to be appointed by his governor 
has created almost no indignation throughout the 
country. There is some rebellion in the cities thus 
decapitated, but the great republican journals of the 
country are practically "mum." The ruthless tramp- 
ling on representative institutions is practically so com- 
monplace that it passes without serious protest. 


On every hand the evidence is apparent that the re- 
publican party has practically outlived its reputation as 
"the party of moral ideas" and is deteriorating into a 
party of moral indifference, political drift and "boss'' 
manipulation. It is rapidly losing the confidence of 
the nation. Republican cities have already begun to 
elect anti-republican and even revolutionary adminis- 
trations. It may with truth be said that the democratic 
party is not any better, but this will not serve to stem 
the tide. The national administration is becoming less 
popular every day ; criticisms of its policy are increas- 
ing in frankness and fierceness on every hand. Evi- 
dence is not wanting that the deadening spell of 
"boss" rule has nearly reached its limit and that a 
breakup is imminent. Whether this will result in a 
new party with radically different objects, or a reorgan- 
ization of the best elements of the old parties, will 
largely depend on how soon the reorganization comes. 
If it is postponed long enough, the very rottenness of 
the existing systems and methods may bring a revolu- 
tionary party with a radical socialistic platform. The 
bold dictation of Quay in Pennsylvania and Platt in 
New York, which has reduced the legislatures of the 
two greatest states in the union to mere instruments of 
personal caprice, is well calculated to hasten the 
breakup. If Platt and Croker were conspiring to force 
a revolt they could hardly work more successfully to 
the point, for never was the hand of the dictator more 
wantonly and unscrupulously shown anywhere than in 
the New York city hall and the Albany legislature. 

Of course, Tammany does not represent the de- 
mocracy of Greater New York. It represents only an 
organized body which is directly benefited by patronage 
and protection to office-holders and law-breakers. 
These do not constitute the democratic party, but they 
furnish a compact, active, organized element in every 


election district of the metropolis. The decent citizens 
are more numerous than these, but they are neither so 
well organized nor so active. 

The natural opposition to this should be the re- 
publican party. In most cases the opposition party, 
especially if it has been out of office a long time, is the 
reform party, the clean party, the party of ideas and 
high public standard. The very incentive for success 
usually creates this. New York city is the one great 
exception to this rule. Although the republican party 
is almost never in power in New York city, yet it has 
utterly failed to rise to the plane of political morals 
which would command public confidence ; it is, in fact, 
distrusted about as much as Tammany. The reason is 
that the republican organization is a Tammany in 
everything but the name. It has the same characteris- 
tics, almost the same lack of honor, integrity and pub- 
lic spirit, much the same style of political crookedness, 
and stands equally ready upon occasion to practice 
scandalous methods. In fact, it is the political twin of 
Tammany Hall and therefore naturally prefers to con- 
duct deals with the Tammany management, for a share 
in the spoils, to honestly leading a movement for high- 
minded, clean municipal policy. 

But this organization does not represent the repub- 
licans of New York city. Fully seventy-five per cent, 
of the republican voters desire clean politics and honest 
government and would regard it as an invaluable bene- 
faction to be emancipated from this band of political 
pirates which disgraces the name of the republican 
party. But, like the decent element in the democratic 
party, they are not organized, they are not attracted by 
the odors of the flesh-pots, and, like the unorganized in 
every sphere of life, they patiently endure the evil. 
This is partly due, no doubt, to the fact that they be- 
lieve in the general policy of the republican party in 

i 9 oi.] PARTY DEGENERACY 419 

national affairs and hence are more or less timid about 
breaking up the organization which assumes the lead of 
the republican forces whenever state and national poli- 
cies are under consideration. The same is true of the 
democratic party. It is true everywhere that a small 
number organized is more powerful in any public 
movement than a many times larger body unorganized. 
That is because the great mass always follows and the 
very few lead. In the labor movement this is true. It 
is constantly repeated that the organized laborers do 
not constitute ten per cent, of the workingmen, yet 
they can always lead the other ninety, and solely be- 
cause they are organized, have a specific purpose and 
follow certain recognized and trusted leaders. 

But there is a degree of incompetence and depth 
of depravity beyond which organized "bossism" can- 
not go without sacrificing progress and endangering 
free government. That point has obviously been 
reached in New York at least. The salvation of de- 
cency and ordinary integrity in public life now demands 
a reorganization of political forces. Experience has 
already demonstrated that the republican party cannot 
be trusted. Its depravity is being demonstrated at 
Albany, where it has control. It is equally clear that 
Tammany can neither be ousted nor reformed under 
present lines of organization. The next step, and the 
only feasible one, is for all the decent elements of the 
city which are tired and disgusted with both organiza- 
tions to meet in the open and form a new integration 
of political forces. The preservation of neither the 
democratic nor the republican party in the nation is to- 
day of sufficient importance to prevent this movement 
for municipal regeneration. The national democratic 
party is on the rack, it stands for nothing of pressing 
importance, it has been led astray into the fields of va- 
gary verging on revolution. The republican party, 


while safer along the line of established policies, rep- 
resents no really vital new principle in the national 
life. It has broken from its moorings in many impor- 
tant respects and represents nothing important for the 
immediate future. It is practically in a state of polit- 
ical drift, heading for no particular port, guided by no 
definite chart, and floats aimlessly along like a ship 
without compass or rudder. 

Indeed, there are many signs indicating a strong 
necessity for and probable tendency towards reorgani- 
zation of political forces in both parties, for national 
as well as municipal purposes. There is, therefore, 
no reason why the clean and progressive elements 
in both the democratic and republican parties should 
hesitate to organize for a higher type of municipal 
government. If this should be successfully done in 
New York city, it might and probably would be the be- 
ginning of a similar movement in other large cities and 
ultimately extend to state and national politics as well. 
It might, indeed, be the beginning of a new era in po- 
litical organization and leadership in American politics. 
The movement of the Carnegie-Hall democrats under 
the leadership of Mr. Crimmins, and of the republicans 
under the leadership of Mr. Brookfield, and the non- 
partisan movement of the citizens' union, all show 
that this wholesome work has already made a good be- 
ginning. If crankiness can be suppressed, and the 
single purpose of clean, honest administration, with 
some specific lines of reform, be made the platform, 
1901 may prove the great year of opportunity for the 
successful breaking-up of the hide-bound, corrupt po- 
litical organizations, and a new integration of political 
parties which shall give new life, strength and virtue 
to the political methods and public spirit in New York, 
and elevate the tone and broaden the character of the 
public policy of the nation. 


The industrial billionaire has arrived; if not in 
the person of a single individual, he is here quite as 
definitely in the form of a single corporation. The 
United States Steel Corporation is more than a billion - 
dollar concern ; it is about a billion and a half. Noth- 
ing approaching it has hitherto been attempted. Its 
magnitude and far-reaching purposes are bewildering 
to the ordinary observer. It is too stupendous for 
intelligent criticism at this juncture. It is an experi- 
ment which will demonstrate the wisdom or danger of 
the modern tendency of industrial integration. 

If it succeeds it may be the beginning of a new era 
of industrial organization which shall have a world influ- 
ence on business conditions. The rewards of success are 
great, and the responsibility of failure is tremendous. 
Undertaken in good faith as an industrial enterprise, 
the United States Steel Corporation may prove an 
invaluable contribution to the industrial development 
of the twentieth century, but, if organized as a scheme 
for speculation to convert watered stock into cash for 
promoters, it may prove a disaster to the nation and a 
crime against civilization. 

The responsibility of deciding the course and char- 
acter of this epoch-making enterprise is with a few men. 
If we consider the character of the men, the nature of 
the enterprise, and the interdependent relations of the 
concerns integrated, everything seems to warrant the 
hope and faith that this mammoth integration is a 
legitimate economic business reorganization. Its direc- 
tion and character practically rest with three men, 
J. Pierpont Morgan, John D. Rockefeller and Andrew 
Carnegie. These are conspicuously the three greatest 



minds in the world in their respective fields. As a 
financier of industrial enterprises Mr. Morgan has no 
equal. He may not be the richest financier in the 
world but he is the most successful financial promoter 
of great concerns. He has made no important mistakes 
and no failures. In 1894 he promptly and successfully 
negotiated an important loan for the United States 
government at a critical moment, heading off a disas- 
trous panic almost without a ripple. In his promoting 
experience with railroads and industrial concerns he 
has never been a wrecker but always conducted the 
financiering on the lines of ultimate profitable invest- 

Mr, Rockefeller is the world's greatest industrial 
organizer. He has, through the steady application of 
more than thirty years' experience, developed the 
greatest, most extensive and successful industry ever 
organized. His enterprise represents investment which 
would permit a legitimate capitalization of three-quarters 
of a billion, and its products reach the most backward 
of the settled portions of the human race. He brings 
to the new steel enterprise the widest experience in 
complex industrial integration of any living man. 

Mr. Carnegie is the greatest iron and steel manu- 
facturer the world has produced. As a developer of 
methods, together with the organization of productive 
facilities and efficient marketing of iron and steel prod- 
ucts, he is preeminently at the head of his class. 
Moreover, he has never indulged in stock speculation ; 
his enterprise was not even a corporation until about a 
year ago. This is the more important as the new con- 
cern is dealing with the whole field of iron and steel 
production. Moreover, these three men, supported by 
others of similar type, though of less magnitude, are 
on the board of managers. Mr. Morgan and Mr. Rock- 
efeller are there personally, and Mr. Carnegie is there 


by proxy through Mr. Charles M. Schwab. Mr. Schwab, 
whose photograph we publish in this issue, is in many 
respects the most remarkable industrial manager in his 
line that this wonderful age has produced. He is prac- 
tically the industrial child of Mr. Carnegie, and, though 
less than forty years of age, he was at the head of the 
Carnegie concern. And it was only on condition that 
Mr. Schwab should be president that Mr. Carnegie con- 
sented to merge his plant in the great steel company. 
A dozen such men as these, equipped by temperament 
and successful experience for such an undertaking, 
probably could not be found. All this augurs genuine 
industrial enterprise, not Wall Street and Lombard 
Street speculation. 

The character of the industries integrated and the 
field of operation is equally reassuring. This new con- 
cern has not collected an indefinite assortment of enter- 
prises but has limited itself to the iron and steel 
industries. In this it has reached out into all the 
important branches, from mining the ore to marketing 
the finished product, including the facilities for trans- 
portation. Thus it is in reality a consolidation of the 
facilities and processes of one of the greatest industrial 
fields in the country, with its multitude of interdepend- 
ent branches. If this enterprise is conducted on a 
strictly economic basis under the present management, 
several important results may be expected. 

(i) It ought to exercise a steadying influence over 
the market conditions of the whole iron industry, and 
if wisdom prevails it will do this without any rise in 
prices but ultimately with a lowering of prices. No great 
economies in the cost of production can be expected at 
the outset. It would be difficult to conceive any imme- 
diate improvement of methods in such concerns as the 
Carnegie works. But the best processes employed by 


the most successful concerns can be extended to the 

(2) Great advantages and ultimate economies may 
be expected from a better distribution of managing and 
administrative ability. Where special ability shows 
itself, and the opportunity for its development and pro- 
motion does not exist in the given concern, the man 
can be transferred to others where improvement is 
needed, and thus the very highest managing skill can 
be placed where it will render the greatest service 
throughout the entire working field. 

(3) It will check the tendency to wasteful duplica- 
tion of processes in times of boom inflation, and the 
consequent ruinous competition, thus giving perma- 
nence and stability to the entire industry and prevent- 
ing business-disturbing fluctuation. In this way it may 
and under present management probably will become 
the great steadier of the iron and steel industries of the 
whole country. This would be the first great step to- 
wards the elimination of industrial depressions. If 
this policy, so characteristic of the Rockefeller and 
Carnegie concerns, is pursued by the new company, it 
will not only justify its existence but it will do much to 
remove from the public mind the apprehension and dis- 
trust of large corporations as enemies of public welfare. 
That would do more to establish public confidence 
in the normal and rational development of modern in- 
dustry than anything that has occurred in half a cen- 
tury. On the other hand, if these men should for any 
reason convert their holdings into cash, or use their 
stock for the purposes of speculation, and let the man- 
agement pass into inferior hands, it might result in one 
of the most disastrous calamities this country has ever 
experienced. The reward and honor of success is 
theirs, and also the responsibility of failure. 


The United States entered upon its national career 
with the theory that the essential principle in democ- 
racy is local sovereignty. Jefferson thought that the 
only safety for democratic government is to keep po- 
litical power in the hands of the smallest workable 
groups. This is good doctrine but, like all general 
principles, must be intelligently interpreted. The idea 
of local sovereignty is not opposed to national sover- 
eignty, but merely implies that authority should only 
be transferred from the smaller to the larger political 
units when the smaller become inadequate to the prop- 
er performance of the task. That is to say, no function 
should be transferred to the community which can be 
properly performed by the individual ; no local function 
should be transferred to the state which can be ade- 
quately performed by the municipality ; and, similarly, 
no function should be transferred to the national gov- 
ernment which can be adequately performed by the 

This doctrine implies with equal force that authority 
should pass to the larger group whenever the interest 
involved transcends the sphere of the smaller group. 
Thus all interests which extend beyond the realm of 
individual authority should pass to the local authority, 
and those reaching beyond the local should go to the 
state, and those going beyond state lines should pass 
under national jurisdiction. The principle of local 
sovereignty is eminently democratic ; but it is in the 
nature of a working principle and not a fixed state or 
condition. It is just as much a violation of the prin- 
ciple involved, however, to retain state control of inter- 
state interests as it is to transfer purely state interests 



to national authority. In a progressive country where 
local sovereignty exists, the transfer of interests from 
the smaller to the larger groups and even sometimes 
from the larger to the smaller becomes a necessary part 
of progressive political adjustment in order to maintain 
efficiency of administration along with the democratic 
principle. For instance, in the middle ages trade was 
easily within the bounds of municipal authority. Cities 
governed all the conditions of trade, but as industry 
expanded it so transcended all municipal bounds as to 
render narrow local authority a menace to progress 
and make national authority necessary. 

This principle is constantly operating in the United 
States. In the early days of the republic there were 
very few internal interests that transcended state 
boundaries. Interests that were entirely national and 
properly came under federal authority were those which 
related to the national defence and a few very general 
matters like the coining of money and the postal system. 
It soon became evident, however, that any appreciable 
progress in national life would require a national bank- 
ing system. Jefferson and the adherents to the local- 
sovereignty doctrine resisted this, because they thought 
it contrary to the principle of democracy ; but, by force 
of financial chaos and disaster, though not converted 
from that error they were compelled to adopt a nation- 
al bank. Under the influence of this idea, that de- 
mocracy is limited to local sovereignty, the Jefferson 
party refused to renew the charter of the national bank 
and on its expiration another period of financial havoc 
with wild cat currencies resulted, which finally forced 
the chartering of the second Bank of the United States. 
This experience was again repeated in 1836 at the ex- 
piration of the charter of the second bank, and another 
period of disaster followed. This was the natural re- 
sult of subjecting national institutions to state control. 


Like the postal-service and the circulation of coin, bank- 
ing extends throughout the nation. In the nature of 
things, therefore, and in strict accordance with the 
principle of local sovereignty and home rule, we have 
finally been compelled to adopt a national banking sys- 

What was true of banking has been true of several 
other important interests of society. The development 
of our industrial resources has made almost every in- 
dustry extend beyond state lines. There is almost no 
industry of any considerable proportions in this coun- 
try which is now limited to the area of any state. For 
this reason it became necessary to adopt the interstate 
commerce law, which took the power of regulating 
railroads in certain respects out of the hands of the 
states and transferred it to the national government. 
This was no violation of the principle of local sov- 
ereignty, because it only transferred the authority from 
the state to the nation when the industry ceased to be 
a state institution and became national. 

This has been true also of bankruptcy. As busi- 
ness became more and more interstate, local or state 
bankruptcy laws became incompatible with the broader 
interests of national industry. The industrial relations 
of debtor and creditor became so clearly national that 
widely different local and state bankruptcy laws became 
the means of perpetrating fraud and injustice, to cor- 
rect which a national bankruptcy law became indispen- 
sable. This again was no surrender of the principle of 
local government. It was only transferring the inter- 
ests to national authority when they became national 
in character and influence. To insist on keeping mat- 
ters under state jurisdiction which are national in their 
character does not strengthen the democratic principle 
but, on the contrary, is a menace to efficient govern- 

428 G UN TON 'S MA GAZINE [May, 

ment and the adequate protection of individual and 
local interests. 

A forcible illustration of this was furnished in the 
anti-Italian riots in New Orleans some years ago. 
Italian citizens were murdered in cold blood, and when 
Italy protested and asked for redress our government, 
through Secretary Elaine, had to reply that unfor- 
tunately the murderers of the Italian subjects in New 
Orleans were under state authority and beyond the 
reach of the United States government. Thus we 
practically said to Italy : We are sorry but we cannot 
help it. If Italy had replied, as she well might have 
done: Well, if you cannot deal with the people of 
Louisiana we can and will send a battleship with an 
ultimatum, our government would have replied : No, 
that would be an attack upon the United States. We 
cannot punish the murderers of your citizens ourselves, 
nor can we permit you to punish them either. 

This is a discreditable anomaly. We deny the 
right of states to have any direct relation with foreign 
nations, and yet we have no power to make the states 
respect the rights of citizens of foreign nations. When 
the Turks murder our missionaries in Armenia, or the 
Chinese do the same in China, we demand redress or 
take steps to despatch army and navy to enforce it, but 
when American citizens perpetrate similar outrages 
upon foreign subjects our government is compelled 
shamefully to admit its inability to afford either pro- 
tection or redress. Since all our relations with foreign 
countries are in the hands of the national government, 
it is clearly a part of the duty of the federal authority 
to afford the same protection to citizens of foreign 
countries that we demand for American citizens in for- 
eign countries. Clearly the time has come for trans- 
ferring the protection of foreign citizens, regardless of 
the state they reside in, from the state to the national 


government. This matter was referred to in the 
president's last message and should receive the prompt 
attention of congress. 

Many economic interests have also reached a stage in 
development which makes them, logically and properly, 
belong tinder national rather than state administration. 
For example, all conditions which involve important 
business competition are now too large for state ad- 
ministration. The organization of corporations, for 
example, should now pass to the national government, 
because the interests and intercourse of nearly all cor- 
porations extend over many states, and many of them 
over the entire country. State legislation may impose 
all sorts of varying conditions upon corporations, which 
handicap them in their business competition with each 
other. It is essential to economic fairness that all rival 
concerns in the same business should be on the same 
footing throughout the entire area of their operation ; 
consequently, the conditions imposed upon them should 
be uniform throughout the nation. For this reason the 
national government should grant charters for business 
corporations, and such charters should operate as the 
charter of a national bank does, throughout the entire 
United States, thus putting corporations beyond the 
power of nagging legislation from local prejudice. 
This does not mean that corporation charters should be 
less precise and restrictive, but it simply means that 
they should properly come under a political authority 
which is commensurate with the area of modern indus- 
trial interests and activities. 

The same is true with reference to labor legisla- 
tion. It is a detriment both to business enterprise and 
to the social welfare of the laborers that labor legisla- 
tion should be limited to state lines when the interests 
and mobility of laborers are national. Take, for ex- 
ample, the hours of labor. To the extent that reduc- 


tion of the hours of labor may affect even temporarily 
the condition of capital, it is a disadvantage that it 
should be local when the competition is national. New 
York, New England, and in fact all the eastern states, 
have by the very force of growing civilization adopted 
a body of humane legislation regulating the hours of 
labor, education, sanitary conditions and other con- 
ditions affecting the workshop welfare of the laborers. 
All this contributes to the improvement of the social 
life and standard of comfort and culture of the masses. 
But in certain other states, notably the South, where 
this pressure of civilization has not been exercised to 
any such degree, the corporations are continuing the 
conditions which existed at the opening of the century. 
Women and children are employed in the factories and 
shops without any legal restriction or regulation as to 
hours of labor, sanitary conditions or any form of pro- 
tection against the mere greed of corporate employers. 
This disparity between the conditions of labor in 
the East and South is a menace to industrial progress. 
It puts the corporations in the two sections of the coun- 
try, engaged in the same industry, on an unfair com- 
petitive basis. It gives the premium of superior 
opporunity to those who furnish the poorest conditions 
and lowest wages and hence do the least for national 

State legislation, while wholly adequate to deal 
with labor conditions when industries are limited in 
their competitive relations to purely local areas, is 
wholly inadequate now that they are national. When 
the manufacturers of New York and Massachusetts 
have to meet in the same market with those of Georgia 
and South Carolina the conditions for their competition 
have manifestly passed beyond the limits of state 
authority and clearly belong to the federal government. 

This is quite as true in the interests of labor as of the 


corporations. It is a part of the opportunity for the 
industrial and social advancement of laborers that they 
be able easily to pass from one employer or one locality 
another to improve their condition. It is, therefore, a 
part of equitable economic competition, that, so far as 
legislation and government influence are concerned, 
the industrial opportunities should be the same through- 
out the nation. The differences in conditions should 
be entirely economic and climatic rather than legisla- 
tive, so that the best environment could furnish the 
greatest attraction and best opportunities. 

On the other hand, it is no less important that in- 
terests which become more local should pass under the 
exclusive control of municipal authority. To transfer 
the authority over city police to the state is as contrary 
to the spirit of home rule as it is to keep authority in 
the hands of the state over interests that have mani- 
festly become national. To be true to the principle of 
democracy and local home rule, political authority 
should pass from the greater to the smaller or from 
the smaller to the greater body according as the area 
of the interests involved is great or small. Interests 
that are inevitably national should pass under the juris- 
diction of the national government and interests that 
are local and municipal should not be transferred to 
the state. True democracy means self-government and 
self-government must always be co- extensive with the 
interests and rights to be guarded and protected. 



The Russian government is following the example 
of the United States in the construction of a Union Pa- 
cific railway. It means as much to Russia as the build- 
ing of the first Union Pacific meant to America. It is 
proper that Americans should carefully gauge the in- 
fluence which the Siberian railway will have upon 
American interests. 

As society is now constituted the principle ' ' live 
and let live" is practically inoperative. Pet phrases 
are getting stripped of their adventitious meanings and 
we are getting down to facts. Men find it cheaper in 
the long run to say what they think. There is some- 
thing brutally direct about this, but what is lost in ele- 
gance is gained in honesty ; and it saves time. Self- 
preservation is of course the first law of national life, 
and we may as well admit that the principle ' ' live and 
let live " should read " live and let live unless it inter- 
feres with your living; if so, kill." This is not a 
Christian principle nor even a moral one. It is simply 
the natural one and is likely to remain operative until 
we discover such a thing as a national conscience. A 
wounded bird is set upon by its mates and killed. A 
maimed wolf becomes food for its fellows. In some 
parts of the world men bury their parents when they 
have become useless encumbrances. This is nature and 
is essentially the law that prevails between nations. 

Such being the case no one can say that Russia or 
any other power is doing wrong in using every possible 
means to forward her own interests. The protective 
tariff of the United States hurts England but we care 
nothing for that. British control of the Suez canal 



hurts France but England cares nothing for that. Rus- 
sia's imminence upon the borders of Afghanistan hurts 
England but Russia cares nothing for that. It is an 
indication of the honesty of the times that no one 
blames Russia for her advance in Manchuria, for any of 
us would have done the same under like circumstances. 

Russia is doubtless aware that the forward steps 
she is taking in the far East must be followed up and 
vindicated by a vast industrial and commercial change 
among her people, or else the advance will not be per- 
manent. The interests of the Russian people as well 
as of the Russian oligarchy must be vested in their 
new acqusitions or else they will become mere encum- 
brances. It is the investment of English capital and 
English lives in India that makes their eastern empire 
so full of meaning to them and to the world at large. 
England has put to proof the law that, in successful 
colonization, as much must be given as is expected in 
return. There lies the difference between England's 
colonies and those of France. 

An examination of the figures shows that as yet only 
an insignificant fraction of the Chinese people have been 
brought into contact with western markets in any vital 
sense. As yet we have driven only the entering wedge. 
Enough is known of the Chinese temperament to pre- 
dict that in any new regime the dominant influence will 
be industrial and commercial, and it follows that those 
who are most closely in touch with the industrial and 
commercial interests of China will wield a dominant 
moral, though perhaps not at first political, influence in 
that vast commonwealth. For this reason I believe the 
position is a sound one that Russia must follow up her 
diplomatic by a corresponding commercial advantage 
and justify the laying of her heavy hand upon a large 
section of Chinese territory by making herself commer- 
cially indispensible to the inhabitants of that section. 


The question is, how can this be done? Trade is as 
blind as justice. People will continue to buy cheap and 
sell dear in spite of all patriotic considerations. The 
cry " patronize home industries" is a futile one. It is 
the industries that must do the patronizing. It is gen- 
erally accepted that at the present time Russian indus- 
tries are not in a position to compete on equal terms 
with those of England, Germany or America in the 
open markets of China, and so long as this remains true 
it will be impossible to build up Russian industries by 
any natural process. The necessary stimulus is lacking 
for the building up of a great industrial class in Russia 
so long as they are unable to compete. 

There are two artificial means whereby the neces- 
sary stimulus can be afforded. The first is a system of 
government bounties that will enable manufacturers to 
put their goods upon the market at such prices as to 
outbid their competitors. This is what the protective 
tariff is doing in the United States in a different 
though cognate form, for there the people have to pay 
the bounty. This might prove successful within the 
limits of Russia, for a protective tariff is an indirect 
tax ; but, when it comes to paying cash bounties out 
of a national treasury to any and all firms who propose 
to compete for the trade of an alien market like that of 
China, it is evident at once that the scale is too vast. 
It is impracticable. 

The second possible method would be to create 
spheres of commercial activity outside the borders of 
Russia proper, in which the competing products of 
other countries shall be put under such disabilities as 
will kill all competition. Such a method is especially 
feasible for a compact, military empire like that of 
Russia where the army could be made the instrument 
in bringing about the necessary conditions. 

By corralling a portion of the race and then saying 

1 90 1 . ] A USSIA ' 5 BLO W AT A M ERIC A N COMMER CE 435 

"buy of me at my prices or go without," it is possible 
to make a market and so stimulate industrial activity ; 
and even as a protective tariff in America has made it 
possible for her, at least for her manufacturers, to 
compete in the markets of the world, so the plan here 
stated might in time work up an industrial class in 
Russia that could stand on its own legs. Of course the 
basis would have to be military, for nothing but a show 
of arms would ensure the continued exclusion of com- 
peting goods from the sphere so "preserved." The 
possibility of getting the same goods cheaper in another 
market would cause a constant outward pressure like 
that of water behind a dam. 

It has been said that "trade follows the flag.'' 
This is far truer of Russia than of England. For with 
England it has ever been the flag that has followed 
trade to protect it, while with Russia it is only by a 
military initiative that her trade has been and is to be 
made possible. Here as elsewhere the antipodal 
geniuses of the Anglo-Saxon and Muscovite civiliza- 
tions appear. England needs an army and navy to 
protect her trade. Russia needs trade to protect her 
army and navy that is, to follow up and complete her 
military and naval, or perhaps rather diplomatic, 

The Siberian railway is admirably adapted to the 
carrying out of such a plan for the expansion of Russian 
industries. It would not be complimentary to the good 
sense of Russian statesmanship to suppose that this 
expensive road is being built for the purpose of mere 
territorial aggrandizement. Too much territory is 
often worse than too little. The aim back of it all 
must be to find a way to bring the Russian people up 
to the industrial standard of the rest of Europe. The 
purpose is a most laudable one and does credit to a 
statesmanship that few dare or care to underrate. 


It has been widely advertised that one of the main 
objects in view in building this line is the development 
of Siberia. But we can hardly believe that this is the 
main object or even one of the main objects. As other 
nations are advancing and the markets of the East are 
being gradually supplied from other than Russian fac- 
tories we can scarcely believe that Russia will wait for 
Siberia to be developed before entering upon an active 
commercial policy, when on each side of the Man- 
churian division of her new line there are millions of 
Chinese who are buying freely from foreign markets. 
No, the cheapest and easiest way to insure the success 
of an industrial and commercial policy for Russia would 
be to obtain complete control over a section of the 
Chinese market and exploit it in the interests of her 
own people. This would provide a market that would 
stimulate Russian industries up to a twentieth- century 
basis. With her railroad and her army working in 
conjunction it would be strange if she could resist the 
temptation to detach a portion of China for the purpose 
of building up distinctively Russian industries. 

It may be claimed that this is mere supposition. 
But among the many indications that such is Russia's 
intention one may be mentioned which goes far to 
warrant the supposition. It consists in Russia's notion 
of an " open port," as explained in the Russian impe- 
rial decree of July soth, 1899. After dilating upon the 
benefits to accrue from the building of the Siberian 
railway the decree goes on to say : 

" In view of the commercial development of the future city (at the 
Yellow Sea terminus) we confer upon it for the whole term during which 
that territory has been leased to Russia by China the rights of free trade 
which belong to free ports, upon the following conditions: 

4 '(I.) The right to import and export merchandise of every descrip- 
tion free of customs duties as established in the city, the port and in the 
adjacent territory, up to a fixed boundary line which may be changed by 
the minister of finance. 


" (IV.) Merchandise imported into Russia and coming from the terri- 
tory to which the right of free trade is thus extended shall be examined 
and shall pay such duties upon entering the limits of the empire as are 
provided for by the general laws which govern the importation of foreign 

In order to understand this language we must 
glance at the position which Russia holds in Manchuria. 
She has leased from China the ports of Talienwan and 
Port Arthur for a specified number of years, and within 
those ports Russia is sovereign for that period. But 
Russia has not leased Manchuria. That still remains 
Chinese territory, though included in the Russian 
sphere of influence. Russia has acquired the right to 
run her railroad through Manchuria, but the adminis- 
tration of the province is still in Chinese hands, the 
taxes of the people still flow into the Chinese coffers, 
and the boundary of the Russian empire remains where 
it was before. It follows that whatever rights America 
or any other of the treaty powers enjoys in any part of 
China she enjoys equally in Manchuria. If Manchuria 
belongs to Russia then Russian duties must be paid. 
If it belongs to China, Chinese duties must be paid. 
But we find here that Russia disclaims sovereignty over 
Manchuria, for the decree refers to merchandise im- 
ported into Russia and coming from the territory to 
which the right of free trade had been " extended." 

This says plainly that the Russian boundary is 
somewhere beyond and outside the territory to which 
the right of free trade is extended. Goods imported 
into the free port of Talienwan and passing beyond the 
free-trade limit will pass into what is admittedly Chi- 
nese territory. It would naturally be supposed then 
that upon entering Chinese territory it would pass 
through Chinese custom houses in the hands of the 
imperial Chinese customs, and if it was desired to send 
goods through to Russian territory they would pass 
through in bond until they reached the Russian boun- 


dary, where they would of course pay the regular Rus- 
sian duty. But what do we find? That goods having 
entered the free port of Talienwan can be carried free 
into the adjacent territory up to a fixed boundary that 
can be changed a fixed, changeable boundary, by the 
minister of finance. In other words, Russia considers 
herself so far sovereign in Manchuria that she can 
extend or contract the free-trade boundary at will. She 
can make it include the whole of Manchuria or she can 
draw the "fixed boundary" to within five miles of 
Talienwan and stop all goods from entering the adja- 
cent territory except under her own regulations ; for 
it is not to be supposed that China can move her 
line of customs stations back and forth at the caprice of 
the Russian minister of finance. 

A port of entry is worth nothing except as a dis- 
tributing center, and if Russia reserves the right to cut 
the arteries which connect Talienwan with the adjacent 
territory the freedom of that port is rather more than 
less of a mockery. It is like putting food into a starv- 
ing man's mouth and then twisting a rope around his 
neck so that he cannot swallow. 

The decree is careful to state how goods can be 
carried from the free territory into Russia proper, but 
that is not what we wish to know. There is little 
or no market in Siberia. What American and English 
and other producers want to know is how goods can be 
gotten across the " fixed boundary " into the adjacent 
territory that is not Russia but China. Of course, in 
the free port Russia does not expect to compete with 
others but she has so arranged it that at the will of her 
minister of finance the territory thus made free shall be 
so contracted as to be worthless as a market. If Russia 
controls the " fixed boundary " she controls the rates of 
duty that American or other goods must pay in cross- 
ing that border. This, as I have said, is a natural de- 


duction from the fact that Russia claims the right to 
enlarge or contract the free territory at will. This is 
the vital point. It may be presumed that along the 
borders of China there are Chinese customs stations, 
and goods coming in from Russia pay the regulation 
duties according to Chinese law. This amounts on an 
average to something less than ten per cent., in fact 
there are few things that pay more than seven per cent. 
Russian goods coming south across the border will 
therefore pay this low rate of duty. What we want to 
know and be assured of is that when goods enter the 
free port of Talienwein and pass out into the surround- 
ing territory beyond the " fixed boundary" they shall 
not pay the smallest fraction more of duty than the 
Russian goods that come in from the north. On this 
point the decree is significantly silent. 

In this decree Russia makes two open claims. One 
is that she has the right to make any part or all of Man- 
churia free territory for the goods of all nations, for we 
see that the " fixed boundary " may be changed with- 
out the concurrence of China by the mere fiat of the 
Russian minister of finance. 

The second is that Russia has the right to control 
the conditions under which goods shall pass across the 
" fixed boundary" into Chinese territory. Manifestly 
Russia's notion of a free port is a curious one. 

Every man who is a permanent resident in a par- 
ticular locality is the subject of the government to which 
he pays taxes and to whose courts of justice he has to 
appeal. That is better evidence than any oath of alle- 
giance and that test is the one on which rests the right- 
eousness of England's cause in South Africa. Now 
it is plain that import duties are a tax and the people of 
Manchuria are subjects of that government which col- 
lects and pockets the customs duties. At least it divides 
their allegiance. Even supposing that upon reaching 


the " fixed boundary " American goods should be sub- 
ject to the ordinary rates of Chinese duty, the ultimate 
danger is not evaded. Russia's claim to the right to 
expand or contract at will the free territory about Tal- 
ienwan is the plainest one that could covertly be made 
to complete sovereignty over the whole of Manchuria. 

And right here is where the danger to American 
interests lies ; for, though Russia has lately given guar- 
antees that in no part of China shall American goods 
be excluded from equal privileges with those of Russia, 
it must be clearly borne in mind that the moment any 
portion of Chinese territory becomes the actual prop- 
erty of Russia the guarantee is valueless. 

American exporters should be alive to the fact that 
their most hopeful field of enterprise in the far East is 
in northern China and Manchuria. It is here that we 
are most rapidly outstripping all competitors. It is 
not enough that Russia should guarantee that all 
Chinese territory shall be kept open to us. We must 
have a further guarantee that Chinese territory shall 
not become Russian territory. 

Russia cannot be blamed for desiring to prepare for 
her people an exclusive field of commercial enterprise 
in northern China. The moral element in international 
politics is not sufficiently developed for us to charge 
her with any wrong intent, for there is not another 
government in the world to-day that in like circum- 
stances would not do the very same thing. The open 
door is good for England and she clamors for it for a 
determined right. It is bad for Russia, and we cannot 
blame her if she inveighs against it as a barrier which 
blocks her way to complete development. The morals 
of the question depend upon the point of view. On 
general principles, what is helpful is right and what is 
harmful is wrong. Here in a nutshell we have all 
the moral element in the code of modern international 


AND NOW Bryan is after Colonel Watterson. In 
one of his moods of grandiloquent deliverance, the 
shaggy -maned editor of the Courier -Journal ascribed the 
war and the taking of the Philippines to the Almighty. 
With due reverence for spiritual things, Mr. Bryan 
takes him in hand to the extent of a page in the 
Commoner, and really leaves little of Watterson worth 

THE JOBBERY of the Platt legislature in dealing 
with the revised charter has given Mayor Van Wyck 
another opportunity to pose as the friend of popular 
rights. It really begins to look as if the only hope for 
any wholesome political action in New York state lies 
in taking the state administration from the republicans. 
If the democrats had full control in both Albany and 
New York city, the corrupt trading between the two 
organizations would disappear. There would at least 
be an opportunity to drive Plattism to the rear and 
make room for clean, wholesome leadership. The re- 
publican party in New York state clearly needs bap- 
tising in the waters of defeat. With this corrupting 
element washed away it might again show wholesome 
vitality and become the party of moral ideas and 

THE PEACEFUL settlement of the threatened strike 
among the steel workers is another evidence that labor 
when properly organized can really accomplish more 
with large corporations than with small petty employ- 
ers. The billion-and-a-half corporation is indeed strong 
enough to make a tremendous fight against labor, but 



it has other and better means of making money. More- 
over, although much richer it is more sensitive to pub- 
lic opinion than the small half-million-dollar affair. 
The truth is that in a multitude of ways every year's 
experience makes it clearer that, all in all, laborers can 
do better in hours of labor, permanence of employment 
and wages, with large corporations than with small 
ones. If the capitalists will pursue this rational policy, 
facts will ultimately become too strong for Bryanism 
and socialism to prevail against them. 

JUST BY WAY of saying something exciting, the 
New York World makes a violent attack upon Secretary 
Gage for placing some of the surplus government 
funds in the strongest banks in New York, receiving as 
security the deposit of government bonds. These 
banks received in the aggregate $27,689,940. 16. They 
are among the strongest banks in the city, having an 
aggregate capital of 29,600,000, with aggregate de- 
posits of $389,578,300. Would the World have Mr. 
Gage put the government's funds in the smallest and 
weakest banks, or would it have the treasury lock up 
over five hundred millions and thus contract the vol- 
ume of currency available for business and force up 
the rate of interest for the "poor borrower?" And 
yet this silly criticism of the only sane and safe policy 
Mr. Gage could have pursued is reprinted by Mr. 
Bryan on the front page of his paper as another case of 
robbing the poor by "favored banks." When he is 
whacking Watterson or chastising Cleveland, Bryan is 
clever, but when he touches money or banking or any 
phase of constructive statesmanship he seems to go 
helplessly into the air. 

IN BECOMING editor, proprietor and exclusive 
writer of the Commoner, Mr. Bryan has exposed himself 


to a test that few men could stand. He does not even 
make the Commoner a newspaper, but exclusively a 
paper of political ideas. It is something of a draft 
upon a man's resources to talk two or three times a day 
for several months, but when the speeches were de- 
livered to different audiences, two or three or half a 
dozen at most served for a year's work. But with the 
Commoner the case is different. It must appear every 
week and go substantially to the same people and 
therefore cannot be entirely repetitious. Can Mr. 
Bryan's capacity for constructive statesmanship stand 
this test? Judging from the first nine numbers it 
would seem doubtful. The distinguishing character- 
istic of every number of the Commoner thus far is 
smart thrusts. Now this does very well for silencing 
questioners in a mass meeting, but it will hardly serve 
as continuous diet for students of political doctrine, 
and especially as the gauge of the statesmanship of a 
national political leader. To be merely a sharp critic, 
a pert fault-finder, an expert at annoying jabs, may 
make a brilliant agitator but can hardly make a 

IT is HIGHLY encouraging to note that the one clear 
unfaltering voice of statesmanlike fairness on the negro 
question comes from the trade unions. They are really 
the first to treat the negro as a man and an equal when 
he shows equal qualities and character. The attitude 
of the American Federation on this subject is ably set 
forth in an editorial by Mr. Gompers in the April Fed- 
erationist, who points out with great frankness that the 
trade unionists hold out the hand of equal comradeship 
to the white and colored laborers alike. Instead of 
ostracising the negro from the unions, they have 
specially-paid organizers ''who are devoting their time 
exclusively to the organization of the colored workers." 


They are showing the good sense, moreover, of not 
trying to do the impossible by establishing absolute 
social equality but aiding the negroes to obtain im- 
provement in their economic and social position by ex- 
actly the same methods that are employed by the white 
laborers; namely, intelligent, organized cooperation. 
This policy contains the element of true statesmanship, 
which the politicians of South and North alike might 
well emulate. It is a wholesome, encouraging sign of 
the times that the much-censured and despised labor 
unions are the real leaders in this field of statesman- 
ship where politicians have failed. 

4 ' The Tammany organization is not democratic in faith or works. 
It is a private, predatory and criminal business concern operated chiefly 
to make its managers rich out of public spoils." New York Times. 

It would be difficult to give in the same number of 
words a more correct description of the Fourteenth 
Street institution. The character, purposes and meth- 
ods of Tammany are well known to the people, and 
still it is elected to power year after year. Why is 
this ? Is it because the people of New York city pre- 
fer the type of wickedness Tammany represents ? Not 
at all. A majority of the people are in constant rebel- 
lion against it. The real reason for Tammany's con- 
tinuance in power is that the republican party is verily 
believed to be little better. The people of New York 
have no more faith in Platt and his followers than they 
have in Croker and his followers, and, since Tammany 
has power to injure those who oppose it, directly or 
indirectly, by persecuting them through the police 
force, punishing through tax assessors, or otherwise 
harrassing them in the numerous petty ways that law 
and authority cannot reach, the people will endure 
rather than incur all this persecution only to get an- 
other organization of the same kind. The depravity 


of the republican organization in New York city is 
really responsible for the perpetuation of Tammany 

UNDER THE leadership of Mr. Gorman, Maryland 
is adopting a more plausible and more equitable 
method of disfranchising the negro. The Maryland 
plan is to adopt a uniform educational qualification for 
voters, regardless of color. This is surely constitu- 
tional and not altogether irrational ; indeed, it may be 
necessary. It will doubtless disfranchise a much 
larger number of negroes than of whites, and in this 
instance may accomplish the desired results and make 
Maryland safely democratic for the immediate future. 
That is of little importance, however, compared with 
the fact of dealing with the question on broad social 
principles regardless of race prejudice. Under this 
scheme, negroes will have the right to vote when they 
learn to read and write, and white people will not have 
it unless they do the same. Perhaps there will be 
some discrimination in favor of the whites, but this 
cannot prevail against negroes who can actually read 
and write, which makes their full political citizenship 
easy of attainment. Mr. Gorman may be unscrupulous 
but he has more real sense and recognition of the prin- 
ciples of government and the temper of the American 
people than the Tillmans who would flagrantly violate 
both the letter and the spirit of the constitution and 
even the established rights of individuals to coerce the 
negro out of the franchise, a method which can never 
command respect in the United States. 

WITH STRIKING unanimity the southern papers re- 
printed our complimentary remarks on the North Caro- 
lina manufacturers' proposal " voluntarily to adopt the 
ten-hour system," with flattering remarks on the supe- 


riority of the southern employers over the northern in 
their treatment of labor. The Houston (Texas) Post 
proudly remarks : 

" We are more tolerant to labor of all kinds in the 
South than they are in the North. . . . And it is 
fortunate for the factory laborer of the South that in 
the beginning of our industrial or factory life, and dur- 
ing the absence of legal regulations relating to mill 
labor, the management of the mills is in most cases in 
the hands of southern men, who do not know how to 
grind their employees as do the big bosses of other 
sections of the union." 

This is really delightful and everybody must hope 
that it is true. But, unfortunately, since publishing 
the complimentary passage quoted and commented on 
by the Post, we have discovered that we were in error. 
The North Carolina manufacturers have not proposed to 
adopt the ten-hour system at all but only an eleven- 
hour system. Since no southern manufacturers have 
yet adopted the ten-hour work-day we shall expect to 
see these papers hereafter urging them on to do so. 
We have a right to expect hereafter that southern em- 
ployers be at least as liberal on the question of employ- 
ment of children and the hours of factory labor in 1901 
as England was in 1847, as Massachusetts was in 1874, 
and as every eastern state was more than a decade ago. 
Give honor to whom honor is due, but remember that 
actions speak louder than words. 

As ANOTHER evidence of progress and improved 
relations between large corporations and labor, the 
New York Central Railroad is making it a part of its 
policy to recognize that it has a duty toward the social 
and civic welfare of its employees as well as an interest 
in their economic efficiency. The excellent example 
set by Mr. Cornelius Vanderbilt in erecting a building 


for the use of the employees of the New York Central, 
furnishing attractive quarters for social meeting, well- 
equipped dining-rooms, sleeping rooms for the men 
away from home, a library, reading room, baths, gym- 
nasium, lectures, etc., practically free, set the pace 
which the company is making it a part of its policy to 
follow. According to a recent report, these facilities 
are being established along this whole system. An 
encouraging feature of this is that the company ex- 
pressly recognizes that it is inspired to this policy for 
social and patriotic as well as business reasons. They 
have found that the better the conditions under which 
the employees live and work the better and more in- 
telligent citizens they are and the more trustworthy 
and competent workmen. In other words, the experi- 
ence is that the best economic policy for a large cor- 
poration is that which does the most for the social 
opportunities and personal welfare of the laborers ; that 
the bloodless method of treating labor solely as an 
instrument of production, out of which the maximum 
work should be extracted and into which the minimum 
wealth, opportunity and social culture should be 
infused, is bad business, bad economy, and ultimately 
results in bad statesmanship which may react disas- 
trously upon business ; in short, that it is as uneconomic 
as it is unpatriotic. 

THERE ARE many hopeful indications of progress 
in the South on the child-labor question. The Colum- 
bia (S. C.) State declares that: 

" Child labor must go, and that the system, as a system, will soon 
be abolished there is every reason to believe. . . . There must be in 
the mill -villages not only schools and churches but libraries, reading- 
rooms, lyceums, and theaters. A life of incessant toil makes a poor 
workman. Diversion is requisite to efficiency." 

The Farmer s Review (Texas), in criticising the 


Georgia democrats for refusing to pass a child- labor 
law, says: 

"No state deserves to be called civilized that does not possess a 
sufficient amount of virtue to protect helpless children against the bru- 
tality of capitalism." 

By way of encouragement, the Raleigh (N. O) 
News and Observer says : 

" It is gratifying to see that mill-owners, church leaders, educators, 
and the press are agreed that child labor shall end in the factories. 
There may be here and there disagreement as to the manner of putting 
a stop to it, but an effective method will be found to do it. ... The 
children must be saved from the dwarfing process of early confinement 
in the factories ! It will not do to wait another year for this reform that 
is demanded in the name of humanity." 

In his recent message to the legislature the gov- 
ernor of South Carolina says : 

" Unless something is done to protect the tender children of vampire 
parents, who spend their time in idleness and live off the labor of their 
little ones, who are required to labor in the mills from year to year with- 
out the advantages of school, the situation for the future becomes 

In Alabama a bill for the prevention of child labor 
under twelve years of age is before the legislature and 
is being liberally supported by the newspapers of the 
state. Substantially the same measure has been intro- 
duced into the senate of South Carolina. It is thus 
clear that, although the Georgia legislature has refused 
to pass the child-labor bill, the movement is marching 
on and is bound soon to succeed. 



The desire for security is world- wide and age-long. 
The effort to attain it has been a large factor in civil- 
ization, building dykes to preserve what has been 
gained by arduous toil. It is the rear guard of the 
revolution that is always going on, for progress means 
peril. Conservatism never imitates ; it holds fast but 
does not reach out. Disaster may be made to pay toll, 
as in life insurance ; man may be protected increas- 
ingly from the ruthlessness of his creation, machinery, 
or the careless rapacity of other men ; but while pro- 
tective measures are taken at one end, daring runs out 
at the other. It performs new feats of peril, it risks 
all for possible gain, it wins new victories over matter 
regardless of hazard. The very pivot of civilization 
lies here ; man is dissatisfied to rest in what he has ob- 
tained and leaps forward across chasms and seas and 
continents to what he mayget if his life is not lost in the 
effort. Countless lives are so lost but man lives, and, 
after many years, if he faint not, reaps the reward. 

While there is this vigor of incentive for the en- 
terprising, there is the deadly spur of actual starvation 
for the laggard. Nothing less will move him and 
sometimes even that fails. It has been argued that if 
a living wage of the lowest amount were inviolably 
secure, men would be saved a great waste of force in 
worry and apprehension and there would be still end- 
less incentives to progress. So there would, but with- 
out that final goad of absolute insecurity there are 
always some who would not answer to the higher 
motives. At one extreme is the parasite, a species 



comparatively unknown in this country, and which is 
predicted will disappear in the twentieth century, the 
world following the example of America where the rule 
is that every man shall work. Of the other extreme a 
convincing illustration was the case of some miners in 
Pennsylvania. They earned their daily wages by 
digging coal, married and brought up children, had 
thrifty little homes with the decencies of life and even 
some of its ornaments. Oil was discovered and the oil 
company controlling that region made a standing offer 
to buy at the market price any well that might be 
opened. Wells were found on every side and almost 
every miner became an owner. A regular income, 
unearned by daily work, was secured to them, a trifle 
to be sure, one or two hundred dollars a year, but 
energy could not withstand the temptation. They 
ceased work and settled down in idleness to live on 
their incomes. They degenerated, their standard of 
living fell, their wives became slatterns, their children 
grew up without schooling and vicious, their homes 
were tumble-down, untidy hovels. Security, even at 
this minimum, ruined them, and a thriving village be- 
came a festering sore. And this in America, where 
the air breathes energy and enterprise. 

Even if security went no further than to assure a 
man of work by which he and his family could live, a de- 
mand seemingly modest, Mallock has long since pointed 
out that this would mean no colonization, no America, 
no Australian commonwealth. Population like water 
finds its level. When it becomes easier to emigrate, 
with all that implies, it signifies much suffering at 
home and a general diffusion of insecurity. 

Change of occupation resulting from new wants 
and methods is another cause for insecurity that keeps 
men alert, versatile, intelligent. It is not the guiding 
of one machine but the power to learn quickly any 


machine that makes now the capable workman, and 
through him sets our industries at the head of the 
world. Intelligence alone economizes. Ignorance and 
dullness waste opportunities that the intelligent seize. 
The saving of a fifth of a second in one movement of a 
machine touched by the left hand instead of the right 
makes the difference between profit and loss. 

Urban life with all its implications causes a thou- 
sand perils and a million activities unknown before. 
Light is an example. The candle was as safe as fire 
can be, but who would be content with candles? 
Fluid lamps, explosive and nauseous, came as an im- 
provement, then oil, then gas, then electricity ; always 
the finer force, the more brilliant light, the greater 
peril. Or, transportation shows. In the days of horse- 
cars they caused no accidents. To-day every paper 
records one or more injuries from trolleys or cables, 
and frequent deaths result therefrom, yet what town 
would choose to resume horse-cars? 

In fact, when one stops to think, one realizes that 
every condition of life is based on insecurity. No man 
is consulted about coming into this world nor about 
leaving it, and all the way between birth and death in- 
security fosters every virtue. The infant falls many 
times before he learns the magic art of keeping on his 
feet, but then he increases fast in wisdom. Insecurity 
makes him by degrees self-reliant, dextrous to avoid 
danger, shrewd in calculating consequences, keen to 
foresee events. It comes to be recognized as the nor- 
mal and healthy human state. All of us sigh for cer- 
tainty, no matter of how little, and life teaches us that 
it is only by incessant peril that we gain courage, 
adaptability, calmness, unselfishness. With security 
we are apt to become lax. While we walk the tight 
rope of this hour over the abyss of what may be, the 
situation keeps us alert and tolerates no drowsy-headed 


indolence. Balancing on the rope with no net beneath 
is excellent development for the muscles. We gain 
poise, and every instant snatch the blossom safety from 
the nettle danger. We are like Eliza flying across the 
river on broken ice. To pause is to be swept away or 
to drown. On, on, on we must go, resting our weight 
here only for the moment it takes us to throw it for- 
ward. Ahead is freedom and life, behind are the dogs 
of slavery, and all about us are hopes and fears, a 
clamoring throng. 

It is not a restful picture, but rest is not for this 
phase, unless it be the rest the heart gets between its 
beats. For rest we must go up higher. Serenity comes 
not through security of material things but through lay- 
ing hold of the eternal verities, changeless in their 
shining, inalterably secure, " letting us pent-up crea- 
tures through into eternity, our due." But eternity it- 
self can give us only this moment to live ; that is why 
time is. 

While it is quite true that insecurity pushes us on 
ceaselessly, it is equally true that what is secure in- 
creases from age to age, and we inherit in ease what 
myriads have bled to attain. The savage has nothing 
secure, the American of 1900 has much. But when the 
dyke is built a great deal yet remains to be done, and 
insecurity touches continually to finer issues. The idea 
of the monogamic tie is secure in Christendom (despite 
the many aberrations in practice), and hence the holding 
of love, its growth in harmony, becomes the flower-strewn 
field of victory or defeat. Love is the solvent of near- 
ly all troubles ; love wisely directed, loyally lived out. 
Adjustment and readjustment, the twice-daily ebb and 
flow of affection, unselfishness, wisdom, is at once the 
practice and aim of home-life. To love and be lovable, 
with the constant change that begets constancy, are the 


* Love needs a thousand loves, forever new. 
" And finds them in the hollow of your hand." 

The nation encompasses all individuals and families, 
and the same need for the prod of insecurity is here 
manifest. After the civil war was over and slavery 
was abolished, we were inclined to say: "We have set- 
tled our formidable problems, we can take now our 
ease." And we did, waxing rich and self-confident, 
maintaining a sturdy independence with a rising stand- 
ard of living that surpassed any in the world. Then 
came the time for the test. It had to be made evident 
to ourselves and to others whether or no we were intent 
upon what is supreme. We were confronted with a cry, 
and we answered it. The tyranny of Spain over Cuba 
was ended, whatever the future may bring. On the 
whole, we were adequate to the demand made upon us. 
Though all of us were reluctant and some were recal- 
citrant, we moved across the threshold, out of our 
measureless content into the fuller life of the world, 
drawn by the pull of human need. In consequence we 
find ourselves before the door closed for ages, now at 
last ajar, whose opening has such illimitable signifi- 
cance for the destiny of man. 

Power to do is responsibility to achieve. In our 
little hour of strain all the weak links snapped and an 
immense amount of strength had to be exercised for 
comparatively trivial tasks, because security had bred 
indolence and inadequacy. It is the bane of Anglo- 
Saxons, the defect of their splendid quality of self-re- 
liance, that they appreciate too little the need of train- 
ing and discipline. Witness the mortifying failure of 
our transportation and medical systems in the Spanish- 
American war ; see England's resources strained to put 
down the Boers. Germany, on the contrary, is so situ- 
ated that enemies are on every side ; her insecurity is 
great and she trusts only in watchfulness, in discipline, 


in endless vigilance and practice. Hence she has the 
finest army in the world. Insecurity keeps all the rust 
rubbed from her arms. China, immemorially wrapped 
in her security of isolation, finds herself now the foot- 
ball of every other nation, for none is so inert as she. 
Even while her people are murdered, her towns rav- 
aged, her capital held by the hated foreigners, she con- 
siders herself the supreme monarch of the universe to 
whose empress the powers come to kotow. 

But China ! How can a Christian say the word 
and his face not burn with shame ? Christendom is on 
trial there and how does it bear the test? If we are 
firm in virtue evil does not allure. Temptation proves 
whether our security is fancied or real. As dust re- 
flects light, and our eyes are so adjusted that we should 
be in darkness no matter how intense the light were it 
not for these dusty particles, so should we be without 
the insecurity of temptation. "Outer darkness" simply 
means the darkness outside the light for which we are 
prepared. The light is there but it is not light to us 
because our medium is dust. On the other hand, the 
dust may be so impenetrable that light cannot be re- 
flected, and then indeed are we in thick darkness. 

Christendom was secure in its "vice outlived," its 
savagery civilized, its brutalities humanized. The Red 
Cross treaty, signed by every nation, including China, 
mitigated the sufferings of war and gave efficient pro- 
tection to non-combatants. But what do we see when 
the test comes? The heathen does heathenish acts and 
Christendom sends representatives to chastise him, 
each country her own, and Japan besides ; what will 
they do? Relieve those they have come to save, of 
course, and with a severity that shall be just if implaca- 
ble. But when this is accomplished what more do we 
see? It is unspeakable for shame. 

A few years ago Europe was agog against the Turk 


for his massacres in Armenia ; Christendom cried aloud 
with indignation that some one should prevent these 
horrors. Now, Christendom in China rivals the Turk 
in every atrocity and doubles the number of victims. 
Not only is the Kaiser's savage dictum obeyed "Give 
no quarter; take no prisoners" but, when for months 
there has been no armed opposition, the helpless non- 
combatants, men, women and children are bayoneted 
in heaps, ammunition being too precious to waste ; in- 
fants are plucked from their mothers' arms and impaled 
or tossed in the river ; women meet a worse fate unless 
they escape by death and this is the work of Christen- 
dom. Millard says: "The graves of the Simcox and 
Green children (martyred missionaries' families) might 
be enclosed by a fence, each picket bearing the name 
of a Chinese boy or girl who has, within three months 
just passed, suffered worse at the hands of men whose 
skins are white. Against the awful background of this 
war, the death of the few missionaries is lost in the 
mists of a ghastly perspective." Not only every ves- 
tige of mercy but any pretence of justice has vanished 
among the most of the allies ; and those most capable 
and least cruel do not belong to Christendom but are 

Not that Americans are known to have taken part 
in the outrages of every sort that have stigmatized the 
allies. Indeed, while one's heart is rent and one's in- 
tellect is horrified by the conduct of these troops, it 
assuages a little to turn to the quarter of Peking con- 
trolled by Americans. A single company of American 
soldiers policed a district there inhabited by 250,000 
Chinese, giving them unbought justice such as they 
had never known, keeping order, and winning respect 
and esteem from the Chinese under their protection. 

But after all, America is one of the allies, and 
hasn't she responsibilities even if her men do not take 


part in the acts of her comrades-in-arms? Christendom 
indeed! It does not follow even the Mosaic code. 
What commandment, from the greatest to the least, 
has Christendom failed to break in China? And we 
stand by, silent. Europe was blamed for not prevent- 
ing the Turk ; should America keep silence and remain 
in view of her allies' actions? No doubt the complica- 
tions are immense, but a thorough American has said : 
1 ' Failure to dare greatly is often to run the greatest of 

Where security has its rightful base, and there 
alone, is in principle. This is the rock of ages, the 
foundation of the universe. Matter, and all conditions 
dependent thereon, is in a perpetual flux ; its law is 
change, hence its very being is insecure ; but above 
matter security is reached. General principles cover 
all men's actions. To accommodate the action by com- 
promising the principle is to sacrifice the greater to the 
less. But perception must come before action, before 
even striving to act. We must realize that a thing is 
desirable before making an effort to attain it. That is 
where America leads and her glory lies. She has seen 
and voiced the truth that all men are born free and 
equal, not in worldly goods nor mental endowments, 
but in liberty from the coercion of other men. This 
idea she takes with her to China or elsewhere. Obedi- 
ence to the law is enforced, for it is a principle and 
hence to it any man may be sacrificed ; she may kill 
but she will not murder ; she may confiscate but she 
will not thieve. Democracy applies the law equally, in 
theory at least. Of course in application we come again 
to the value of insecurity and the need of vigilance. 

The perils that now surround us, within even more 
than without, the vast responsibilities accumulating on 
our shoulders, should keep us alive to the danger of 
security. It may be well even that our fancied immu- 


nity from savagery in our own breasts should be broken 
up, and that we should look into the seething mass of 
uncurbed passions, since they are there. But the sense 
of failure, not of one's little self, which is bad enough, 
but of a great entity, set on the highest hill the world 
has, such as Christendom, is hard indeed to bear. 
Nothing is so unnerving as failure. Grief has an ex- 
altation of its own ; suspense stretches at least a line 
across the abyss, but to fail is to fall headlong into it. 
Of course there is nothing left but to crawl out as best 
one may, and an immense help in this task is the rec- 
ognition that to fail is to find there is a lesson we need 
to learn. The sense of failure empties one of conceit 
and it may be desirable for us to be overturned peril- 
ously rather than carry further the poisonous stuff, for 
there is nothing more hindering than conceit, than 
self -righteousness in any form. Perhaps the first step 
out of this pit of failure is to realize that while some 
people in every nation are still savages, they are fewer 
than they were a thousand, even a hundred, years ago ; 
and the better people of every nation have the ideals 
Christ implanted for every human being. 

Despite the cruel, unnecessary horrors, it is a 
glorious time to live, to feel oneself part of the epoch- 
making whole. Obligation means capacity ; we are re- 
sponsible only for that which is possible, but all things 
seem possible now. Democracy has become the solvent 
word not only for us but for the world ; it is the politi- 
cal form of Christianity. It may take time to educate 
the Filipinos, the Chinese, to the meaning of democ- 
racy, which is not license at all but its very opposite, 
self-restraint and hence freedom. However, time is of 
no consequence in view of an idea, and the democratic 
idea towers higher day by day before the eyes of an 
astonished world. Decrease in rents, increase in wages ; 
money bringing return only in use, is the democratic 


idea in economics. Daring, invention, concentration 
of capital and administrative ability win the great 
prizes. The greater the risk, the more alert the mind 
and the larger the return. The joy of the situation is 
that no man can work profitably to himself in any 
sphere without serving others; the more he gives of 
himself, the greater his gains, and thus even selfishness 
is curved to the perfect round. 

Democracy in all ways, the freedom of the indi- 
vidual through the unity of man, is the task set to the 
world ; the final task apparently, for beyond the perfect 
law of liberty for every human being, what is there? 
The time is throbbing with new opportunities, new 
bourgeonings, new life pricking through the black soil 
of ancient customs and promising food for coming mil- 
lions. Goethe saw the truth in Faust's highest moment 
of bliss ; not accomplishment, but the power to accom- 
plish, and not for himself but for others. 

" He only earns his freedom and existence 
" Who daily conquers them anew." 

Hence the significance of this era: for the first 
time man enters into the full inheritance of the earth. 
The vision from the mountain top is mighty, majesti- 
cally divine. It awes. And when we come down a 
little, how the blood riots in exultation ! All this is 
ours, ours as sons of God. And noblesse oblige. Here 
is where aristocracy and democracy meet : no man can 
have a more noble ancestor, and every man is sure of 
this pedigree. 

Once the meaning is made clear, one can suffer 
with ''durable cheerfulness, a serene blitheness," what- 
ever may come, be it in the great life of the world or 
one's own petty, poignant part. So, seeing, we come 
to understand how ' ' future historians will look back 
upon this period as the one of most breathless interest 
in human annals." 


Industrial We are requested by the Manufacturers' 

Association of New York to call attention 
to an appropriation of $2,000 recently made by the 
association, for a scholarship to cover four year's tuition 
and expenses for some young man to take a thorough 
course in industrial education. The particular young 
man is to be selected by a competitive test, particulars 
of which may be obtained by application to the asso- 
ciation at 198 Montague Street, Brooklyn Borough. 
Although as yet provision is made for the education of 
only one young man, the step is intended to serve as 
an object-lesson to arouse interest in industrial training 
as an increasingly acute necessity in the present in- 
dustrial expansion of the nation. The purpose of the 
appropriation is stated to be " to encourage young men 
to qualify themselves for leadership in industrial pur- 
suits by adding to the dignity of labor the advantage 
of trained hands directed by developed minds." 

Although of not very widespread interest, this is 
interesting as an evidence of the increased pressure in 
the industrial community for men of trained capacity 
and peculiar ability to organize and direct business 
operations on the enormous scale demanded by present- 
day conditions. As we had occasion to mention in a 
recent number, the head of one large industrial concern 
recently stated that several positions under his control, 
each commanding upwards of $10,000 a year salary, 
were vacant through sheer inability to find men com- 
petent to fill them. However true it may be, there- 
fore, that the great majority can never attain to any of 
these exceptional posts, it is certainly clear that the 
doors of special opportunity for special talent were 
never wider open nor the demand greater than to-day. 



In accordance with Governor Odell's 

!nd' Wan ' ' econom y" program in New York state, 

the bureau of labor statistics, board of 
factory inspectors and board of arbitration have been 
consolidated into one department of labor, with a single 
commissioner and several deputies in charge of the 
various departments thus consolidated. Since the ob- 
ject of this change was solely "economy," it is need- 
less to say that there will be no increase in the force 
employed, but if anything a decrease. It is understood 
that a part of the proposed economy will come from 
making the factory inspectors collect statistics and do 
the bulk of the work formerly done by the employees 
of the bureau of labor statistics. 

This is simply a case of trying to save a few thou- 
sand dollars of public money, utterly insignificant in 
the total budget, by a method which wastes an indefi- 
nitely larger amount in the quality of the community's 
civilization. Instead of having more labor put upon 
them, the factory inspectors ought to be left entirely 
to the work they were first intended to do, and their 
numbers materially increased. How appalling are the 
evils these few inspectors are called upon to contend 
with can hardly be indicated by mere statistics. A 
few hints may be gained, however, from the last an- 
nual report of the state factory inspector, made before 
the consolidation. " The field is so vast," said the in- 
spector, "and so difficult of inspection that more 
facilities are plainly needed to enable the department 
to maintain an almost constant espionage over the most 
thickly settled and populated sections of the cities 
wherein this class of work is carried on." The New 
York law provides for the licensing of home manu- 
facture under certain conditions, and of course the 
success or failure of the scheme depends upon the 
effectiveness with which the conditions in such shops 


can be held up to the standard required by the license. 
During 1900 some 16,519 licenses were granted in 
greater New York. In these licensed places there 
were 39,598 persons employed. This is a sufficiently 
large field for the comparatively small number of in- 
spectors permitted by the law, and it is only necessary 
to read the state inspector's account of the extraordinary 
scenes encountered in visiting these shops and procur- 
ing evidence sufficient to warrant interference for en- 
forcement of the law, to realize how reactionary and 
unappreciative of the grave nature of this social problem 
any proposition is which aims to reduce instead of 
increase the facilities provided to grapple with it. 

In spite of all the inspectors have been able to do, 
and in spite of the supposed improvement in sweatshop 
conditions, we still have a situation so vile as to make 
one shudder merely to read the unembellished state- 
ment of the facts. Mr. James B. Reynolds, the well- 
known head-worker of the University Settlement, in a 
recent letter to the New York Tribune, had this to say 
(in part) concerning the east- side bakeshops: 

" Extensive questioning has convinced me that fifteen and sixteen 
hours daily would not be an overestimate of the average day's work 
performed by the east side bakers. One baker with whom one of our 
residents talked gave the above time as his average, but stated that on 
Thursday and Friday he worked twenty one and twenty-two hours. 
Another stated that he worked eighteen hours four days in the week 
and twenty- two hours two days. Another that he went to work at 6 P.M. 
and regularly worked until 2 o'clock the next afternoon, the only 
exception being on Thursday, when he went to work at 2 o'clock and 
worked until n o'clock the next day. 

"The sanitary conditions in these shops, which are usually in 
basements, are such that I believe no one could eat the bread if he knew 
how it was made. The bread made in the east side shops is usually 
baked in a large loaf and is smeared with egg to give the top of the loaf 
a certain gloss. The eggs used for this purpose are frequently such as 
would stagger an egging party. They are bought at from 25 to 50 cents 
a hundred, and some of the bakers have assured us that they were not 
infrequently positively rotten. 

"The rooms are constantly kept at a most unwholesome heat, in 


order to raise the bread, the workers toiling in trousers and flannel 
shirts. In no shops visited by us were there signs of recent whitewash- 
ing of the side walls, which, under the law, the factory inspector 
may require to be done once in three months. In one shop, dingy 
whitewash was peeling off directly over the place where the bread was 
being made. In this shop the men were dirty and their clothing was 
dirty. There were no windows, except over the tables where the bread 
was being made. No waterclosets are provided as a rule, unless it is in 
a corner of the room used for the bakeshop, in which case the stench of 
the closet adds to the general bad odor of the place. Men frequently 
sleep in the bakeshops on the benches where the bread is rolled, or even 
on the bread itself." 

In the face of such, a situation as this, to diminish 
the practical efforts to cope with it is something worse 
than poor statesmanship. It practically amounts to with- 
holding the arm of the law in one of the very quarters 
where more than anywhere else its strength is needed in 
ten-fold greater degree than it has ever yet been given. 
Conditions like these in the tenement-house districts 
lie at the root of many of the worst evils running 
through our political and social fabric. For the state 
to do its utmost towards wiping out these sources of 
contaminated citizenship is enormously more impor- 
tant than the building of armories or digging of barge 


This department belongs to our readers, and offers them full oppor 
tunity to "talk back" to the editor, give information, discuss topics or 
ask questions on subjects within the field covered by GUNTON'S MAGA- 
ZINE. All communications, whether letters for publication or inquiries 
for the " Question Box," must be accompanied by the full name and ad- 
dress of the writer. This is not required for publication, if the writer 
objects, but as evidence of good faith. Anonymous correspondents are 


Our Right to Govern 


Dear Sir: When I hear a man say " Where we 
cannot govern by democracy we have no right to gov- 
ern at all," I want to listen to him. 

HENRY B. GRUBB, Burlington, N. J. 

Popular Nominations by Petition 


Dear Sir: I read with interest your last lecture 
regarding the nominations of candidates, in which you 
considered and approved the direct primary nomina- 
tion. The scheme seems to me a most excellent one. 
It has come to my attention but recently, but it more 
and more attracts me. It would certainly make the 
life of a leader of a machine a most precarious one if 
he continued to exist at all. I wish we could secure 
its adoption. JAMES B. REYNOLDS, 

Head Worker University Settlement, 

New York City. 



"The Peril of Popular Government" 


Dear Sir: lam much pleased with your Lecture 
Bulletin of February i5th, and congratulate you and all 
good citizens upon your having the independence and 
courage to publish it. I have for many years known 
that the condition you describe existed and felt that 
the facts should be brought to the notice of all honest 
men, but I have never been able to get such absolute 
proof of a clear case as you have published. You are 
doing excellent and much needed work in the noble 
cause of popular government and should have the sym- 
pathy and support of every man fit to be a citizen of 
the United States. 


Portland, Oregon. 

Mr. Washington on the Jamaica Color Problem 


Dear Sir: I have read Mr. Moritzen's article on 
Jamaica and the color problem in your January num- 
ber and noted the kindly and generous reference to 
myself. The article is most illuminating and encour- 
aging. It is the wisest and best thing that has been 
written on the color problem in Jamaica. We all feel 
grateful to you for having given place to this subject. 
I am taking measures to see that the article gets a wide 
reading by calling attention to it through the medium 
of some of the strongest colored papers. 

I am becoming more and more interested in your 
magazine and am constantly indebted to you for the 
brave and generous things you say so often in regard 
to my own race. 

Principal Tuskegee Institute, Tuskegee, Ala. 


Prosperity or Expansion 


Dear Sir : Was it not a mistake, for fear of a possible 
financial panic and era of hard times, for us to depart 
from our precedents, and vote for colonialism ? It 
seems a short- sighted policy to commit ourselves to a 
course which may be the means of undermining the 
very prosperity we voted to sustain. R. K. N. 

No, it could hardly be regarded as a mistake, because 
no other course was open without inviting nationa 
disaster, which would have been worse. Nothing at 
present could have been worse than the election of 
Bryan. Under the circumstances that would have been 
an endorsement of all that is vicious and false in the 
undigested reckless program he represented. Of 
course the issues were confused. It was impossible to 
reject the Philippine policy without taking Bryan, who 
represented all that was dangerous, without any guar- 
antee of a materially different policy in the Philip- 

Our Duty to Cuba 


DEAR SIR: Since the senate resolutions have com- 
mitted this country to perpetual interference with both 
the domestic and foreign affairs of Cuba, why not an- 
nex the island outright? For us to have this unlimited 
power while the Cuban government stands responsible 
for the consequences is to open the largest field for cor- 
ruption and carpet-bagging anywhere in sight on the 
political horizon. If we are practically to run Cuba's 
affairs ought we not to assume the responsibility also? 

G. P. S. 



We went to war to get Cuba its freedom and we 
are in honor bound to Cuba and to the world as 
well as to our own interests to give Cuba its free- 
dom. By freedom is meant self-government without a 
lot of meddling interference from us. It should not be 
assumed, however, that self-government means abso- 
lute sovereignty that is to say, freedom for Cuba to 
do whatever it may see fit in utter disregard of the 
interests of the United States, such for instance, as 
selling the island to some European country. In that 
case we should be justified in objecting on the princi- 
ple of the Monroe doctrine. It was in the spirit of the 
Monroe doctrine that we helped Cuba drive out Spain. 
It would be a part of the same doctrine that we prevent 
any other European nation coming in. But if Cuba 
wanted to be annexed to Mexico that would be another 
matter. It does not seem unreasonable to ask for the 
right of coaling stations after what we have done for 
Cuba, but to meddle further with its internal affairs 
would clearly be interference wholly inconsistent with 
the right of self-government. Whatever rights we re- 
tain in regard to Cuba should simply be in self-defence, 
consistent with the Monroe doctrine. 

Yes, such meddling would clearly be a fruitful op- 
portunity for an era of corrupt and discreditable carpet- 
bagging. The reconstruction period in the South has 
demonstrated what we can do in that line. The influ- 
ence of politicians over the national administration is 
already too great for us safely to give any new oppor- 
tunities in that direction. Far better that Cuba make 
a few mistakes in the experiment of self-government 
than that she should be subjected to the corrupting, de- 
basing influence of the Platts and Quays with their 
Quiggs and Bidwells and other minions of the "boss" 
system in this country, which apparently permeates our 
politics from primary to white house. Cuba should be 

igoi.] QUESTION SOX 467 

given practical independence, within the spirit of the 
Monroe doctrine, and then with as great expedition as 
possible the same policy should be instituted in the 
Philippines and Porto Rico, and Hawaii as well. 
Friendly relations, coaling station facilities, and 
promise not to sell out to foreign powers, are all the 
control we should exercise over any of these island 

Meaning of the Cleveland and Toledo Elections 


Dear Sir : How do you account for the election of 
Tom L. Johnson mayor of Cleveland, and the demo- 
cratic successes in numerous municipal elections where 
public ownership was the issue? Does it mean the 
growth of socialism, or dissatisfaction with the Mc- 
Kinley administration? E. G. M. 

The election of Tom L. Johnson as mayor of 
Cleveland, and the reelection of ' 'Golden Rule Jones " 
as mayor of Toledo, are the materialization of the grow- 
ing public sentiment away from the administration and 
towards socialism. There are several forces actively 
contributing to this result. First, the increasing un- 
popularity of the McKinley administration. It is be- 
coming more obvious every day that it is largely a 
" boss "-ridden administration, and what makes the 
case worse is that it is fully as much so in the second 
term as in the first. The American people are liberal 
in their construction of such things, they know that in 
the first term of a president he may be under many ob- 
ligations that he would gladly avoid obligations that 
were created for him and over which he had practically 
no control. But in a second term, when there is no 
opportunity to plan for reelection, it is obvious that 
the highest and broadest statesmanship can be properly 


expected from him, and a wholesome moral indepen- 
dence of ' ' boss " dictation may be demanded. In these 
respects Mr. McKinley is disappointing. He seems to 
have no more moral strength to resist these discredit- 
able and discredited corrupters in his second term than 
in his first, which shows lack of the true stuff of which 
presidents should be made. This is becoming manifest 
in so many ways that the people are losing faith in the 
administration and in the party it represents. 

Mr. Bryan, on the other hand, as leader of the 
democratic forces, has used and is now using all his 
opportunities to sow the seeds of political disruption, 
shake the faith of the people in existing methods and 
men in every department of public life. All this is 
very naturally creating a disposition among the people 
to cry " plague on both your houses," and where they 
see honesty and capacity leading the forces of socialism 
they are more and more disposed to join the movement 
and make the experiment. This sentiment is growing 
everywhere throughout the country. 

In Cleveland, the strong, emphatic, comparatively 
consistent man appeared in the person of Tom L. 
Johnson, and he had plenty of money. At least for a 
time Cleveland will probably get a vigorous adminis- 
tration that will be honest and clean. The new broom 
will reach many of the cobweb corners, which may do 
much to put Mr. Johnson in line for promotion. Patri- 
otic proclamations and weak submissiyeness to the 
worst elements of political life will destroy the popular- 
ity of any administration or party that indulges in it. 
When the people get disgusted with their idols they 
smash them with a ruthless hand. No administration 
since Lincoln's has had such a good opportunity for 
establishing a policy of high statesmanship and clean 
politics as the present one. 


A. Conant. Cloth, 237 pages, 1.25. Houghton, 
Mifflin & Company, Boston. 

This book is a series of seven essays published in 
different magazines from 1898 to 1900 on different 
phases of expansion. Mr. Conant is a careful economic 
writer, one who has more than an average regard for 
facts. He follows essentially the lines of the Man- 
chester school, and therefore usually observes economic 
phenomena through the telescope, always attaching 
great importance to foreign economic conditions, espe- 
cially markets a long way off. From the point of view 
of this school it usually seems more important to do a 
dollar's worth of trade in India, China or Russia than 
five dollars worth at home. Familiarity seems to ' 'breed 
contempt," while ' 'distance ever lends enchantment to 
the view." 

In his chapter on " Russia as a World Power " he 
gives an interesting account of the development of 
industry in Russia. From the immense figures, in 
rubles converted into dollars, one would almost feel 
that Russia is rapidly forging to the front as a manu- 
facturing country with commensurate progress in her 
people. The condition of labor is described as improv- 
ing and wages rising, which may soon be expected to 
put the Russian factory operative "upon a level with 
his fellow in western Europe and America." But 
when, in the same tone, we are told that: "Technical 
education is finding a large place in the policy of 
the Russian government," and find there were only 
twelve higher technical schools in the country in 1896, 
the rose color begins to vanish from the picture. 



It needs a little optimism to think of * 'twelve 
higher technical schools" as giving technical education 
"a large place in the policy'' of a nation with a 
hundred millions of population. Russia is indeed a 
world power, but is destined to become comparatively 
less so unless it takes on industrial diversification and 
the spirit of liberalizing its institutions much faster 
than it has hitherto done. Its conduct in China has 
served to reveal anew the barbaric elements in the 
Russian character. Even in the official relations with 
nations it is cunning and evasive. More than any other 
country called civilized, it employs spies and conspira- 
tors to accomplish its ends. It is constantly being 
found to have agents at work fomenting revolution at 
foreign courts in order that it may find an excuse to 
use force to obtain from weaker neighbors what it 
otherwise would not dare demand. The prediction 
that " Russia promises in another generation to be the 
great competitor of the Anglo-Saxon race for the com- 
mercial and military supremacy of the world" may be 
taken at some discount. 

It is no less misleading to assume that the struggle 
for commercial superiority involves the capture of the 
world's markets. Commercial strength and interna- 
tional influence do not necessarily rest upon foreign 
trade. A nation is strong financially and politically as 
it advances in civilization, which, converted into com- 
mercial terms, means according to the social welfare of 
its people. It is not great by what it sells to other 
countries, but by what it consumes in its own. The 
influence of the United States among the nations is not 
to be acquired by rivalling the other powers in China, 
but by the development of the character of our own 
people and the resources of our own country. 

Mr. Conant seems to entertain considerable appre- 
hension lest capital should accumulate too fast and not 


find an outlet in foreign countries. He is very much 
afraid lest the rate of interest should fall to the vanish- 
ing point, compelling capital to go recklessly into 
industry. The danger is more apparent than real. 
Abundance of capital will undoubtedly tend to lower 
the rate of interest, but it will tend to the use of 
capital for the minimum return, and thus give to the 
community the maximum share in the earnings of cap- 
ital. This means an increased exploitation of nature 
and diminution in the price of commodities. The sec- 
ondary effect of that is to increase the employment of 
labor, and also the aggregate consumption of goods. 
When capital becomes abundant it will also diminish 
the incentive for saving, which is equivalent to stimu- 
lating the incentive to use. Whatever stimulates con- 
sumption, whether by diminishing the impulse to save 
or increasing the capacity to produce, contributes to a 
higher standard of living and national welfare. Under 
such a state of affairs profits may be smaller but invest- 
ments and consumption will be greater, which means 
that a more democratic distribution of wealth will be 
established. Moreover, this very process will tend 
automatically to lessen the relative increase of capital, 
both by diminishing the rate of profits and the rate of 

There is no danger to be feared from too much 
capital. There are abundant opportunities for increased 
economic investments in this country for an indefinite 
future. Moreover, there is no reason why American 
capital may not go to the Orient without being accom- 
panied by American armies and navies and political 
authority. It is not necessary to own a country in order 
to trade with it. 

Mr. Conant has written a very interesting and in 
many respects instructive book. It is an intelligent 
contribution to the discussion of the expansion problem, 


but it falls far short of showing any great advantages 
to be gained either to this country or to Asia by thrust- 
ing the United States permanently into the political 
affairs of the Orient. 

THE AGE OF FAITH. By Amory H. Bradford, 
D.D. Cloth, 306 pp., 1.50. Houghton, Mifflin & 
Co., Boston and New York. 

This book is one of the many bridges that are be- 
ing thrown across the gulf of misunderstanding that 
has so long divided in useless controversy those who 
should be allied in friendly cooperation. It is typical 
of the best spirit of the times, which does not demand 
the surrendering of denominational traditions, but mu- 
tual recognition of the larger and worthier objects that 
ought to inspire every organized religious body. The 
movement is not towards giving up individuality, but 
it is towards unity of belief and aim with independence 
of form and method "liberty and union." 

Dr. Bradford is clearly among those who recognize 
that the Christian church is really entitled to bear that 
name only in proportion as it devotes itself to uphold- 
ing and spreading the great essentials of religion in- 
stead of wrangling over dogmatic theology. We do 
not mean to imply, however, that the author ignores 
theology as of no importance. His attitude is not at 
all that theological problems cannot be solved or theo- 
logical differences reconciled, and that both should 
therefore be dodged or evaded because of the larger 
importance of something more useful ; on the contrary, 
"The Age of Faith "is decidedly a theological book, 
but its purpose is to show that even in this ancient hot- 
bed of controversy the excuse for controversy has 
largely passed away. 

In a spirit very similar to that of Dr. Rylance, 
whose " Christian Rationalism " we reviewed in these 

igoi.] BOOK REVIEWS 473 

pages in January, 1899, Dr. Bradford shows how the 
broader and less " wintry" modern conceptions of re- 
ligion are not only consistent with the great sources of 
Christian belief but infinitely more in harmony with 
the chief of those sources than anything in the hard, 
mechanical creeds worked out by the dim light of me- 
dievalism in an age when excommunication and inqui- 
sition here, and threats of everlasting torture hereafter, 
were the chief weapons of theological assault and de- 

The title of the book was apparently suggested by 
Dr. Henry van Dyke's " Gospel for an Age of Doubt," 
but Dr. Bradford writes from the point of view that: 
" Instead of being an age of doubt, in comparison with 
other times, this is an age of faith." It is natural, 
therefore, to find the spirit of optimism running 
through the volume ; indeed, the author declares that 
the necessary result of the modern point of view on 
these matters is to " furnish a sure basis for optimism ;" 
even after applying to the claims of religion so severe 
a test as this : 

" The days of authority are gone. No one any longer believes any- 
thing simply because it was formerly believed. ' Is it reasonable? ' 
Even revelation is brought to this test. The truth for an age of faith, 
above all other things, must be reasonable. Whatever contradicts 
reason and the moral sense cannot be of God. Whatever harmonizes 
with reason and the moral sense presumptively is true." 

Dr. Bradford is an orthodox clergyman, pastor of 
the First Congregational Church of Montclair, New 
Jersey, and illustrates in his attitude that transforma- 
tion of religious thought within denominational lines 
of which other conspicuous examples are found in such 
men as Lyman Abbott, Newell Dwight Hillis and 
Heber Newton, and, in a somewhat less positive but 
hardly less significant sense, Henry van Dyke, Bishop 
Potter, Dr. Parkhurst, Dr. Gunsaulus and scores of 
others. " The Age of Faith," voicing this tendency in 


a new way and most admirable non-controversial spirit, 
is one of the sort of books of which, we can say, literally 
for all practical purposes, that too many cannot be 

and Administration. By Frank L. McVey, Ph.D. 
The Macmillan Company, New York. Cloth, 236 pp. 
75 cents. 

Unlike many of the books that are now going 
through the press, this is not a series of articles and 
lectures delivered and published at different times and 
places and finally put together as a book. On the con- 
trary, it is wrought out with the specific object of pre- 
senting, as the author tells us, " a harmonious picture 
of the history and government of the commonwealth 
of Minnesota," and the work is well done. Prof. Mc- 
Vey has analyzed and presented in readable form all 
the features and phases of government in state, county, 
city and township which exist in Minnesota. He gives 
withal an interesting account of the physical conditions 
of Minnesota together with something of its history, 
supplemented by a very instructive chronological 
account of the important events affecting the develop- 
ment of the state from 1634 to 1900. Under appro- 
priate headings our author gives a succinct explanation 
of the constitution, bill of rights, and the powers and 
duties of the offices within the state, from governor 
to pound-keeper. The workings of the political in- 
stitutions are so clearly explained that the inquiring 
mind of any age can fully comprehend. The methods 
of nominations and election and the character of pri- 
maries and conventions are admirably set forth. 

It is clear from this book that Minnesota is well to 
the front in applying modern ideas of government, 
having learned either from experience or the reputation 

igoi. ] BOOK RE VIE WS 475 

of the older states that nominating conventions, while 
in theory representing the people, are in reality an 
organized method of "boss "or "ring" nominations. 
Whatever they might once have been, they have now 
become the instrument of corrupt manipulation and 
dictatorship in our political life. They have become 
effective means by which nomination to public office is 
made the result of corrupt bargains by which both 
elections and appointments to public office are bought 
and sold, by which legislation is dictated and cor- 
porations blackmailed under the threat of legislation. 

Minnesota appears to have been the first state to 
take steps to protect its citizens from coercion and its 
business men from blackmail, by abolishing the nom- 
inating convention altogether and substituting in its 
place direct nominations by the people, or, as it is 
called "nomination by petition," which has long been 
in operation with such signal success in England. 
Prof. McVey further tells us that Minnesota has taken 
still another step in the fortification of clean politics 
in adopting a "corrupt-practices act," which follows 
very closely along the lines of the act by the same title 
that was passed in England in 1867. In a very full 
appendix is given the growth of the population of 
Minnesota, the growth of cities, the act establishing 
the territorial government, 1849; tne enabling act of 
1857; the act for the admission of Minnesota into the 
union, 1858; the constitution of the state and bill of 
rights, adopted in 1857; etc. It is an excellently 
arranged, well-written book, and is full of information 
that will be no less useful to adult voters than to 
college students. It is a good piece of work well done, 
and fully justifies the author's purpose to " present in 
a small volume a harmonious picture of the history 
and government of the commonwealth of Minnesota." 


of Modern Principles. By Charles Ferguson. Funk 
& Wagnalls Company, New York and London, 1900. 
Cloth, 170 pp. 

If one takes up this book with the expectation of 
finding democracy discussed with relation to any re- 
ligious principle or any religious principle discussed in 
relation to democracy, or their bearing each upon the 
other, he is in danger of being disappointed. There is 
no orderly or philosophic discussion of either religion or 
democracy. God and religion are mixed in with democ- 
racy and despotism with great freedom throughout the 
book, but in such a way as to convey no intelligent idea 
of either. Just why the book was published is not 
easy to determine, except as a safety valve by which 
the author could let off his pent-up emotions which al- 
ternate between mistaken pessimism and irrational op- 
timism. He has not been enough in touch with real 
things to appreciate the usefulness of machinery to man- 
kind, and devotes one chapter to "The Last Day of the 
Machine Age," which he opens with this hysterical 
paragraph : 

"To-day the world is in bondage to the Law. To-morrow we hope 
the gospel of Liberty shall again be everywhere proclaimed. It will be 
proclaimed. It will be shouted from the house-tops and sung in the 
streets, and it will be necessary to go into a closet and stop one's ears if 
one would not hear it. We are at the lowest ebb ; the tide will surely 
turn ; then the free, swinging seas will come rushing in, and the king 
and his courtiers, the doctors and lawyers, will have to gather up 
their skirts and run." 

One would think from the following that the author 
was living in eighteenth- century England, when the 
cry of "No popery" was the ever ready alarm signal 
for every occasion : 

"In the sphere of institutional! religion the century has witnessed 
the rehabilitation of Romanism and the sacerdotalizing movement in the 
Episcopal Churches of England and the United States .... The 

igoi] BOOK REVIEWS 477 

triumphal career of Mr. Moody and General Booth means what the re- 
surgence of the Papacy means that a man is nothing unless he is a 
crowd, and that the mind is nothing without a miracle." 

There may be a religion of democracy, but, what- 
ever it is, Mr. Ferguson has not presented it. The 
English-speaking people at least have passed the point 
in progress where the "No popery "cry can be effective- 
ly used either as a signal for reform or a banner of 
revolution. Those who have not learned this fact can 
be of little service as teachers or leaders in the twentieth 


Falstaffand Equity. By Charles E. Phelps, judge of 
the supreme court of Baltimore. With an introduction 
by Henry A. Clapp, Esq. Gilt top, I2mo, 1.50. 
Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston. 

The Spanish People : Their Origin, Growth and Influ- 
ence. By Martin A. S. Hume. Cloth, i2mo. D. Ap- 
pleton & Co., New York. 

Ten Months a Captive Among Filipinos. Being a 
Narrative of Adventure and Observation during impris- 
onment on the Island of Luzon. By Albert Sonnich- 
sen. 8vo, $2. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York. 

TJie Progress of the Century. By Eminent Special- 
ists. Crown, 8vo, 426 pp., $2. Harper & Brothers, 
New York. 

Lincoln's Plan of Reconstruction. By Charles McCar- 
thy. 8vo, 300 pp., $2.50. McClure, Phillips & Co., 
New York. 

Industrial and Social History of England. By Edward 
P. Cheyney, professor of European history in the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania. Cloth, 312 pp., 1.40. The 
Macmillan Company, New York. Intended for college 
and high school classes. 


The Working Constitution of the United Kingdom. By 
Leonard Courtney. Cloth, 383 pp., $2. The Macmil- 
lan Co., New York. 

Custom and Competition. By Richard T. Ely, 
LL.D., author of ''Monopolies and Trusts." Cloth, 
i2mo. The Macmillan Co., New York. 

Domestic Service. With an additional chapter on 
domestic service in Europe. Second edition, cloth, 
338 pp., $2. The Macmillan Company, New York. 

The Gospel of Wealth and Other Timely Essays. By 
Andrew Carnegie. $2. The Century Company, New 

A Landmark History of New York. By Albert Ul- 
mann, member of the American Historical Society. 
Cloth, i2mo, $1.50. D. Appleton & Co., New York. 

English Politics in Early Virginia History. By Alex- 
ander Brown, author of "The Genesis of the United 
States," etc. 8vo, $2. Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 

China: Travels and Investigations in the "Middle 
Kingdom" A Study of its Civilization and Possibilities. 
Together with an account of the Boxer War, the Relief 
of the Legations, and the Reestablishment of Peace. 
By James Harrison Wilson, A.M., LL.D. Third edi- 
tion, revised throughout, enlarged and reset. Cloth, 
i2mo, $1.75. D. Appleton & Co., New York. 

Canada Under British Rule, 1760-1900. By Sir John 
G. Bourinot, K. C. M. G., LL. D., author of "Consti- 
tutional History of Canada. Cloth, i2mo, 346 pp., 
$1.50, net. The Macmillan Company, New York. 
Containing eight maps. 

History of the United States from the Compromise of 
1850. By James Ford Rhodes. A new edition in four 
volumes. Cloth, $10. The Macmillan Company, New 


" If the war has disclosed many defects in the 
British system, it has shown also that, when the British 
Empire goes to war its sons are but sorry pupils for 
those who write patriotism a crime. There is not a 
single British land from the St. Lawrence to the Hugli, 
from Carlisle Bay to Spencer's Gulf, but has offered its 
best blood to the cause. The Canadian farmer, the 
West Indian planter, the Australian station-hand, Eng- 
lish earl and Indian prince have nobly fulfilled the poet's 
challenge : 

" Shedders of blood ! When hath our own been spared ?' " 

ALLEYNE IRELAND, in "The Victorian Era of British 
Expansion;" North American Review. 

1 ' The 'scab* has but little place in the industrial 
world of Japan. Last spring six hundred and fifty of 
the ship-carpenters of Yokohama formed a union and 
asked to have their wages raised. Previously, however, 
they sent word to the ship-carpenters of Kobe of their 
intention to quit work if their request was refused, and 
asked them not to take their places. The request for 
an advance was refused, and the men struck. As was 
expected, the dock company sent for ship- carpenters 
from three great centers, but even at higher wages the 
men refused to come. Carpenters were eventually 
secured from towns not previously warned, but the 
greater number of these, when informed of the situa- 
tion, gave up their work and returned home. The re- 
sult was that the smaller companies took back their men 
at reduced wages. The Yokohama Dock Company, a 
powerful corporation, held out, but paid its new men 



larger wages than were asked for by the men who 
struck. MARY GAY HUMPHREYS, in "Trade-Unions in 
Japan;" The Century. 

"American labour is under better control, is more 
intelligent and ingenious, and works to better purposes 
than the labour of Great Britain and the continent. 
Each one of the competing industrial nations is handi- 
capped in some form or other by its workmen. In 
Great Britain trades unionism devotes its energies to 
reducing the per diem output of each man to a mini- 
mum, in order that employment may go further and 
wages be higher. Sir Hiram S, Maxim, in a late 
address, gave an instance of a small gun attachment 
which the labor union committee classified as a day and 
a quarter's work. He invented a machine to make it, 
but the men would produce the piece only in a day and 
a quarter, even with the machine. He then hired a 
German workman, who easily produced thirteen pieces 
in a day. 

"A further point is that the British workman cele- 
brates many holidays, compelling the closing of fac- 
tories for days at a time, during, perhaps, busy periods. 
In Germany hours are longer nominally, but the entire 
cessation of work during certain hours of the day for 
beer and lunches cuts down the units of product. 
Besides, the German workman, while patient and 
industrious on familiar lines, is less facile when it 
comes to new and unaccustomed forms. I have seen 
in German, Swiss and Alsatian machine shops finer 
finished machinery than I have ever noticed in America, 
but under their system it could not be produced cheap- 
ly." ARCHER BROWN, in "American Competition in 
the World's Engineering Trades;'' Gassier s Magazine 



The New York stock market has just 
The Stock passed through a panic of unexampled 

Market Panic . . Jf r ... , 

violence, without the failure of a single 

important financial house or any disturbance of indus- 
trial conditions throughout the country. Whatever 
else this may indicate, it is the most convincing proof 
possible of the soundness of our national prosperity and 
generally stable basis of industry. On the day of the 
panic, a large number of old-established stocks of 
steady earning capacity were forced down, on an aver- 
age of between twenty or thirty points, only to recover 
promptly as soon as the pressure was over. The losses 
of speculators and of some bona fide investors, by these 
sudden declines, were enormous, but they were solely 
the outcome of a stock speculation crisis and not re- 
flected from any real or even imaginary doubt of the 
soundness and assured earning capacity of the stocks 

The whole disturbance grew out of a fierce struggle 
by rival interests to secure control of the Northern 
Pacific railway. Mr. James J. Hill, president of the 
Great Northern system, with the backing of J. P. Morgan 
& Co., had secured the cooperation of the Northern 
Pacific in an effort to buy a controlling interest in the 
Chicago, Burlington & Quincy road, and through this 
control to divert to the northern lines a large amount 



of traffic which now passes over the Union Pacific 
route. The Chicago, Burlington & Quincy operates a 
network of important lines out of Chicago, connecting 
both to the West and North, and is a very essential 
factor in through East and West business. Naturally, 
the Union Pacific interests were determined not to have 
one of their main feeders turned in another direction, 
and, through the brokerage house of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., 
undertook to get control of the Northern Pacific itself 
in order to block the C., B. & Q. deal. The rapid buy- 
ing of course sent up the price of Northern Pacific 
stock, and here is where the purely speculative interests 
began to come in. The " bears," as a group, and a 
large number of general speculators, not being fully 
aware of the reasons for the rise in Northern Pacific, 
believed it could not possibly last and therefore sold 
" short," in the expectation of being able to buy in 
time for delivery at much lower prices. Of course, the 
interests that were contending for control of the road 
bought up every share thus offered by the " shorts," 
until it finally developed that more stock had been sold 
in this way than there was in existence, making deliv- 
ery in a large number of cases impossible. 

On Thursday, May gth, the struggle 
How the Crisis Cached its climax. Northern Pacific 

stock was practically ' 'cornered'' and the 
shares went up to $700, some even being sold at $1,000 
outside the exchange, according to report. Every avail- 
able share that could be bought was desperately sought 
after by the shorts, who had so thoroughly miscalculated 
the trend of the market, until finally practically none 
could be had except from the very men to whom the 
shorts had been selling: namely, the rival interests con- 
tending for control of the Northern Pacific system. 

The demand for money to buy Northern Pacific at 


the fabulous corner prices sent the interest rate up to 
50 per cent, on the day of the panic, and forced the sell- 
ing of standard industrial stocks at enormous sacrifices. 
There is no question but that a series of disastrous fail- 
ures and a prolonged financial panic would have re- 
sulted had it not been for two saving circumstances 
the forming of a special loan fund of nearly $20,000,000 
by a group of prominent banks, and the publishing of 
an offer by the Kuhn-Loeb holders of Northern Pacific 
stock, by which the shorts owing any such stock to this 
house were permitted to buy it for redelivery at $150 
per share. The arrangement of course meant heavy 
loss in most cases to the shorts, but saved them from 
bankruptcy and practically ended the struggle. 

Just where the control of the Northern Pacific now 
rests is still a matter of uncertainty, but it is believed 
to remain with the Hill-Morgan interests. Ordinarily, 
the offer of the Kuhn-Loeb interests to settle with the 
shorts would have meant either that the fight to get 
control of the Northern Pacific had been abandoned, or 
else that it had proved successful so that no further col- 
lecting of stocks due was necessary ; but in this instance 
the possible deciding reason for the compromise offer 
was an injunction issued by Justice Gildersleeve of the 
supreme court, under which certain short sellers were 
relieved of the necessity of delivering the stock, on the 
ground that the bears knew when they bought it that the 
stock offered them was not in existence and could not 
be delivered. Similar injunctions would undoubtedly 
have been secured by all the hard-pressed shorts if the 
settlement offer had not been made. 

The Public, the ^ or the heavy losses incurred by the 
Law, and purely speculative interests involved in 

the Speculators t bj s conflict the general public need give 
itself no concern. No sympathy need be wasted here. 


Indeed, it is hard to understand why the court should 
have interfered to protect any speculators from the nat- 
ural consequences of their risk-taking. Had they won, 
it would have been at the expense of somebody else 
whom no court could have protected from the loss 
inflicted. It was purely a matter of assumption, not of 
known fact, to conclude that the buyers knew the stock 
could not be delivered. On the contrary, they were 
buying wherever stock was offered, and some of this 
stock was actually being delivered. How could they 
know, therefore, who would be able to deliver and who 
would not? But, even supposing that the buyers had 
known that the stock could not be delivered ; the origi- 
nal responsibility for every such transaction is on the 
seller, not the buyer. If the seller, in the hope of 
profiting at somebody else's expense, offers stock that 
he does not own and does not know whether he will be 
able to deliver it, he ought to bear the full penalties of 
a possible failure in his scheme just as certainly as he 
would reap the harvest in case of success. There is 
enough of the principle of, ' Heads I win, tails you 
lose," already exemplified on the stock exchange with- 
out the court coming in to give it the sanction of law. 

There are only two rational ways of dealing with 
gambling, of whatever variety. One is to leave both 
parties to the game free-handed, and protect neither 
one from the possible rebound of his effort to injure his 
opponent ; the other is to abolish it entirely, or at least 
strip it of its dangerous and havoc-creating possibilities. 
If the latter, the restrictions must apply equally and 
evenly to all. The injunction granted by Justice Gil- 
dersleeve was doubtless intended to prevent bankrupt- 
cies and severe panic, but the really effective and best 
method of dealing with this whole situation, either by 
Wall street itself or by the public, is to restrict and 
define the limits of stock-exchange transactions in such 

igoi. ] RE VIE W OF THE MONTH 485 

a way that only legitimate and bona fide transfers of 
interests can be made, and panics and depressions can- 
not be forced on the country by the mere scramble of 
speculators to profit at each other's expense by dealing 
in imaginary rather than actual securities. Here is a 
field for government interference, in the interests of 
financial and industrial stability, and it ought from now 
on to receive the most careful study, looking towards 
possible legislation in case the exchange will not cor- 
rect the evils itself. The guiding principle in any such 
legislation, however, should be clear and unmistakable. 
It should have no other object than simply to protect 
the interests of the great industrious, wealth- producing, 
non-speculating millions from disruption at the hands 
of the purely gambling elements in stock -exchange 
transactions. The state should never interfere merely 
to save these manipulators from themselves. 

Like the stock- exchange panic, the wide- 
The Machinists' spre ad prevalence of strikes at this 

Struggle for . - . ., - - 

Nine Hours season is no indication of unstable or 

unhealthy business conditions. On the 
contrary, it reflects the determination of organized 
labor to share the tangible results of the extraordinary 
prosperity existing in nearly all lines of industry 
throughout the country. In times of depression, 
strikes are mainly defensive, directed chiefly against 
reductions of wages, but in times of prosperity they are 
aggressive, designed to secure increases of wages or 
reduction of working hours or some improvement in 
working conditions. The prosperity strikes are the 
more numerous and vigorous and much more largely 
crowned with success. 

One of these is now in progress. On May 2Oth 
about fifty thousand skilled machinists, employed in the 
metal trades throughout the country, began a long- 


anticipated strike which thus far seems likely to be 
successful. The movement is very widespread and 
apparently well organized, the most important of the 
many points affected being San Francisco, Cincinnati, 
New York city, Scranton, Boston, Buffalo, and the 
state of New Jersey. The basis of the strike is stated 
by President James O'Connell, of the National Associa- 
tion of Machinists, as follows : 

"We are demanding a nine -hour day universally throughout the 
trade, with an increase of wages sufficient to overcome the loss of the 
hour in time ; regulation of the apprenticeship system and the number 
that shall be employed in accordance with the number of journeymen 
machinists employed ; agreements as to arbitration of all disputes that 
may arise in the future; the right of the machinists to be represented 
by a committee, and agreements that there shall be absolutely no dis- 
crimination against machinists because of their membership in the 

An interesting feature of the strike is that in some 
places the non-union workers have joined the union 
men in the general demand for a nine-hour day. A 
considerable number of firms, especially in Chicago and 
New York, have already granted the demands and the 
men have returned to work. 

It will be a difficult matter for the em- 
The Issues plovers to resist this movement, since the 

at Stake ' 

men are all skilled workers and not re- 
placeable at will by simply drawing on the general body 
of immigrants and miscellaneous unemployed. More- 
over, there is nothing unreasonable in the demands for 
a nine -hour day, increase of wages, and right of the 
men to be represented by committees and guaranteed 
against any discrination due to membership in a union. 
These are proper demands, and it is only by thus pushing 
forward the standard of wages and hours, in times when 
the conditions of industry make these concessions pos- 
sible, that labor can permanently advance and obtain 

i 9 oi.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 487 

its share in the increasing wealth-production of the 

It is possible, of course, that the resistance of the 
employers does not really rest upon these particular de- 
mands, but hinges on certain points of shop manage- 
ment involved in the somewhat vague demand for 
"regulation of the apprenticeship system," etc. Trade 
unions frequently make the mistake of trying to "run 
the shop" of the employer, by dictating conditions 
which seriously affect the economic efficiency of the busi- 
ness in matters not involving wages or hours. If indus- 
try is to prosper, and the wealth production from which 
wages as well as profits are paid is to increase, expert 
management must be free to bring the best results out 
of the organization, division of labor, and use of ma- 
chine methods in the shops and factories. It may be, 
of course, that no really serious issue of this sort is at 
stake, and that the demand in regard to apprentices 
grows out of some actual abuse, which the men have 
found by experience to be a subtle means of introducing 
a considerable cheap-labor element. If so, the matter 
would be a proper subject for trade-union protest and 
quite within the proper limits of organized labor's eco- 
nomic function, which is to protect the.wages, hours and 
general working conditions of the wage-earning class. 
To the extent that the machinists keep within these 
limits, the men are entitled to win. 

It should be remembered in this connection, how- 
ever, that the machinists have for some time had a 
strong arbitration agreement with the metal trades as- 
sociation, under which no strike could be ordered until 
after a series of conferences in which both parties were 
equally represented. It would be interesting to know 
whether this agreement was lived up to in the present 
case. If it was, and a strike came nevertheless, it seems 
clear that there must be other issues at stake quite as 


serious as the demand for nine hours work at ten hours 
pay. With the present flood of prosperity, it is unlikely 
that the employers in the metal trades would incur a 
costly strike simply to resist reasonable demands along 
these lines. Perhaps, on the contrary, this phase of the 
struggle could have been settled if the employers had 
felt that they could be secured against annoying en- 
croachments upon departments of their business which 
must, of economic necessity, lie within the employers' 
rather than the employees' domain. 

The Albany The riotous an( i deplorable labor contest 
Street Railway in Albany (extending to Troy), from 
Stfike May 7th to i8th, was of quite different 

character from the machinists' strike. It seems to have 
originated in two distinct demands on the part of the 
union one, that all nightmen and pitmen employed by 
the United Traction Company should receive twenty 
cents per hour, the same as the regular day rate for con- 
ductors and motormen, and the other that employees 
not members of the labor union be discharged from the 
company's service and that any employees who might 
be expelled from the union at any time should also be 
discharged by the company. 

The first demand was reasonable and had the sym- 
pathy of the people of Albany. The second was utterly 
indefensible and could not, as it did not deserve to, at- 
tract any public sympathy whatever. The same effort 
has been made before by ill-advised labor unions here 
and there, but never we believe with success. It is so 
obviously contrary to ordinary justice that it has been 
doomed to failure in advance, wherever undertaken. A 
labor union has a perfect right to persuade non-union 
workers to join the ranks of the organized, if it can, but 
it has no right whatever, moral, economic or legal, to 


persecute such men or force their discharge if they do 
not choose to become union members. 

Bad as this was, the case of the Albany strikers was 
made many times worse by the mob violence which be- 
gan as soon as the company tried to operate its lines 
with non-union men. It may be that the union leaders 
did not encourage violence, and possibly but few union 
men actually took part in it ; but it is almost incredible 
that rioting of such violence and persistence could have 
been wholly the work of disinterested outsiders having 
no grievance to warrant the risks they took. The citi- 
zens of Albany may have sympathized with the strikers, 
and the rough element may have welcomed the chance 
to make trouble on any pretext, but neither cause is 
sufficient to explain the extraordinary proportions and 
bitterness of the Albany disturbance. The union, in 
order to escape any share of responsibility for this, 
ought to have publicly declared against it at the outset 
and promptly disciplined any of its members found 
participating in any way in the riots or encouraging 
others to use violent methods. 

By May i4th the disturbances became so 
and theOtitcome ser i us that the sheriff of Albany county 

had to call for state troops to maintain 
order. The loth battalion and 3rd signal corps of Al- 
bany and the 23rd regiment from Brooklyn were 
promptly called out. The riot reached its height on 
May 1 6th when, in the midst of a fierce attack, the 
troops fired into the crowd, wounding a laborer and 
killing two well-known business men of Albany, none 
of the three having been in any way connected with 
the strike. More troops were at once sent to the scene, 
the 2nd regiment from Troy and vicinity and the gth 
from New York city, making so large a body of military 
that the rioters were finally overawed and no further 


casualties occurred. On the night of May i/th the 
company and the union finally reached an agreement 
and the strike was declared off. 

As usual the outcome was a compromise. The 
company granted the wage and several minor demands 
and agreed to ' * continue to recognize and treat with 
any committee of its employees, representing organized 
or unorganized labor, when they desired to be heard in 
relation to any grievance." On the other hand, the 
strikers surrendered the demand for exclusive employ- 
ment of union men and agreed that in the future ' ' no 
proposition for a strike shall be acted upon by any di- 
vision at the same meeting at which it is introduced, 
but that at least forty- eight hours shall elapse before 
such a proposition shall be voted upon. And if a strike 
shall be ordered it shall not take effect until at least six 
days have elapsed after notice to the company, during 
which time the employees shall continue their work." 
Most of the non-union workers who had been brought 
to Albany have left town and the former employees 
have been reinstated, except such as are under arrest 
charged with acts of violence. These men, unless 
proved innocent, will not be taken back. 

The whole conflict was most deplorable, and might 
have been entirely avoided by a broader spirit of con- 
ciliation on the part of the company and a larger meas- 
ure of economic wisdom on the part of the union. The 
company could just as well have granted the wage 
equalization at the outset and saved itself the expense 
of the strike, and the men might just as well have con- 
fined themselves to the legitimate wage demand and 
not forced the indefensible issue of the right to deprive 
non-union men of their jobs. Every such needless, 
costly and tragic conflict only re-emphasizes the urgent 
importance of greater economic enlightenment, and 
thus, of course, of more widespread popular education 


among all classes of the community on the true eco- 
nomic, social and ethical relations between employers 
and wage earners. 

New York city is on the eve of its 
New York's Ap- * . 

preaching Munici- second great contest for control of the 
pal Campaign municipal government, since the organ- 
ization of the greater city under the new charter. The 
result is perhaps even more important than in the first 
election, since experience has now shown the places 
where thieves can plunder to the best advantage, on 
the one hand, and where honest progressive men can do 
the most for decent government and wholesome expan- 
sion of the best there is in civic life, on the other. 
Furthermore, the city charter has just been amended 
in several important particulars, making a much more 
satisfactory administration of the city's affairs possible, 
if the control shall be vested in honest and capable 

The anti-Tammany elements, for this time at least, 
are not going to base their campaign on any special re- 
port of any particular investigating committee. They 
will take the broader, more dignified and effective posi- 
tion that Tammany's rottenness is so flagrant and fully- 
established that every intelligent citizen ought to 
understand and acknowledge it without having to be 
offered any elaborate proof. In other words, it is not 
a case for argument but is simply an established fact, 
and the only real question at stake is how best to in- 
spire those who want good government with the neces- 
sity of really working for it. This seems to be the 
spirit thus far, and if it lasts it will probably result in a 
non-partisan anti-Tammany union, more formidable 
than anything that has been accomplished since the 
memorable campaign which elected Mayor Strong in 


Of course, the two organizations whose cooperation 
is absolutely indispensable if Tammany is to be de- 
feated are the republican party and the citizens' union. 
A third significant factor is the recently organized 
''Greater New York Democracy," led by a group of in- 
dependent democrats of high standing and supported 
by some others of less creditable reputation, whose chief 
title to fame is that, having once been in the Tammany 
councils, they are now, for whatever reason, there no 

All three of these organizations have declared 
themselves frankly on the policy of the campaign. On 
February 2ist the republican county committee 
adopted resolutions including the following : 

"Resolved, That in view of the present conditions this committee is 
in favor of an administration of the city's affairs which shall be broadly 
non-partisan and observant in all its economics of the ordinary rules of 
an honest and well conducted business, the end to be sought in all 
municipal matters being simply the welfare of the city and in nowise 
the advantage of any political organization. 

" Resolved, Also, that in the belief and judgment of this committee 
the republicans of New York stand ready to cooperate as an organization 
with all other organizations and associations, social or political, and with 
all persons, without regard to party affiliations, in laboring for the 
election of a municipal ticket selected without regard to partisanship, 
and commanding public confidence that in the event of its success the 
principles above stated will assuredly control." 

The citizens' union on April 26th adopted a plat- 
form, summarizing the charges against Tammany and 
the specific demands of the union for clean and pro- 
gressive city government. No definite offer of coop- 
eration with other organizations was made, but the 
spirit of the union as expressed by its leading men 
promises to be very different this year from the unfor- 
tunate exclusive position it took in 1897. 

The Greater New York democracy, through its 
executive committee, has also adopted a platform, de- 
claring its purpose to be : 


"To assist in the formation of a solid and harmonious union of all 
parties, organizations and associations opposed to boss rule and bad 

It is most fortunate for the prospects of a clean- 
government victory that the spirit of cooperation and 
sinking of organization differences is abroad. No one 
body of men, working single-handed, could for a mo- 
ment hope to win. The citizens' union is not popular 
enough, the Greater New York democracy is not even 
approachably large enough, and the republican organi- 
zation does not possess popular confidence enough, 
it has given too many instances of adeptness in Tam- 
many methods whenever the appropriate opportunities 
are offered. However, if the republican organization 
can be harnessed in with the others, its strength can be 
thrown to the side of good government, where the 
great mass of the rank and file in the party earnestly 
want it to be, whatever the private preferences of the 
machine leaders. A victory won by such a combination 
could not be diverted to partisan advantage; there 
would be too many groups and interests ' ' on the inside, " 
and decency, if not actually in the majority, would at 
least hold the balance of power. 

The appointment of Philander C. Knox 
of Pittsburg to be attorney-general of 
the United States, succeeding John W. 
Griggs of New Jersey, is severely criticised in many 
quarters because Mr. Knox has at various times done 
important legal work for large corporations. It is ad- 
mitted that the new attorney-general is a man of marked 
ability and personal integrity, but it is assumed never- 
theless that he cannot be impartial in the discharge of 
his duties whenever the interests of the public may 
come in conflict with those of corporations. 

Whether Mr. Knox will actually make a just and 
impartial attorney-general can be determined only by 


experience, but there is nothing in the mere fact that he 
has done legal work for corporations to justify sus- 
picion either of his personal motives or his faithfulness 
to public interests in his new office. If this test were 
to be applied to all prospective appointees to the 
attorney-generalship, it would be nearly impossible to 
find any lawyer of conspicuous and trained ability in 
the country to fill the position. Under modern condi- 
tions of industry, the bulk of the important business of 
the country is either in direct connection with or closely 
related to stock corporations, and the lawyers of suffi- 
cient ability to command a large practice must of neces- 
sity have more or less to do with corporation litigation. 
Naturally, the corporations seek for able legal tal- 
ent, and a lawyer is no more to be criticised for serving 
these clients than a doctor is blamed for prescribing for 
a millionaire. To say that an honest lawyer must 
always be on the side against the corporations is an- 
other way of saying that a corporation is of necessity 
always in the wrong, should have no rights, no power 
of legal defence and no claim to the ordinary protection 
of the law. This sort of idiocy may be popular with 
campaign audiences, but it amounts to characterizing 
the majority of American business men as industrial 
pirates or brigands. 

The fact that Mr. Knox has appeared in defence of 
corporations argues nothing either for or against his 
capacity for impartial discharge of a public trust. In- 
deed, if he is a man of integrity, and sensitiveness to 
public opinion, it may be that he will feel an even 
keener obligation to give his very best talent to the 
government in cases where corporations are involved, 
from the very fact of the suspicion directed towards 
him. At any rate, the ordinary American sense of jus- 
tice ought to secure him at least what is freely ac- 
corded to a common malefactor before judge and jury 
the right to be held innocent until proved guilty. 


The alarming panic which occurred in Wall street 
on Thursday, May gth, was another of those business- 
disturbing affairs which do so much to feed the preju- 
dice and gradually undermine the confidence of the 
popular mind in existing industrial and financial insti- 
tutions. Wall street has long been the target for pop- 
ular prejudice, suspicion and distrust. It is commonly 
believed to be the center of dishonest and sometimes 
wicked conspiracy against the public weal. There are 
millions of people to-day who believe that the chief 
business of Wall street is to create corners, make pan- 
ics, destroy values, and make a few people rich by 
wrecking large numbers of honest business men. Such 
disastrous eruptions as occurred in Wall street on Black 
Friday (Sept. i8th, 1 8 73) and Black Thursday (May pth, 
1901) are well calculated to sustain this all too-preva- 
lent belief. 

Of course the people are not philosophers. The 
masses do not think deeply on these questions, but they 
feel keenly and follow leaders. These leaders are not, 
as is too commonly assumed, dishonest; they are usu- 
ally superficial and ill-informed enough honestly to be- 
lieve that they are called to save society. Mr. Bryan, 
for instance, appears to be honestly laboring under the 
delusion that he is a second Thomas Jefferson. This 
movement, in its multifarious forms from socialism to 
anarchy, with all the intervening degrees of disintegra- 
tion, has one belief in common : namely, that the pres- 
ent accumulation of wealth by capitalistic methods is an 
unjust exploitation of the masses for the benefit of a 
comparatively small privileged class. There is a variety 
of reasoning, logical and illogical, on this general prop- 
osition and how to deal with it, but the general assump- 



tion is that the rich are consciously or unconsciously 
the robbers of the poor, and that the great wealth of 
the millionaires and large corporations to-day is the re- 
sult of unjust monopoly of the opportunities and 
instruments of civilization. Under a community like 
ours, prejudice and uninformed feeling are very effec- 
tive in making votes and shaping public policy. If the 
revolution hoped for by the socialists or the disruption 
worked for by Bryan are to be avoided, and orderly 
progress is to continue, the great leaders of finance and 
industry will have to be more and more careful of the 
interests of the public. Opportunity and power carry 
with them responsibility. Large capitalists and finan- 
ciers are practically quasi-public servants. They control 
so much, their interests are so far-reaching and in- 
volved, that their every scheme affects thousands of 
others who are not consulted and are helpless to act ; 
their interests carry with them the interests of the 
whole community. This is one of the consequences of 
scientific development and economic organization and 
social progress. 

All this is true, but it is equally a part of the 
nature of things that this centralizing direction and 
power carries with it a commensurate increasing re- 
sponsibility, not merely responsibility to oneself for 
his own fortune, not merely responsibility to one's 
family for its future, but responsibility to the com- 
munity for the direction of these great affairs on which 
the welfare of the nation itself depends. 

The two kinds of calamity which contain the most 
dangerous elements of national disaster are industrial 
depressions and financial panics. Nothing quite so 
securely protects our institutions from attack as finan- 
cial stability and industrial prosperity. Industrial 
prosperity secures an increase in wealth and production 
which carries with it as a part of the very process of its 


creation an increased diffusion of welfare throughout 
the community, so that in any considerable period of 
continuous prosperity every class in the community 
shares in some degree in the increased production. 
Moreover, every decade or even half decade of increased 
welfare results in a higher standard of social life and 
general intelligence and consequently a more compe- 
tent public opinion, which necessarily results in more 
equitable adjustment of economic and social relations, 
which is a net advance in civilization. 

So long as these conditions continue, the crusade 
against society is comparatively harmless. But when 
the industrial conditions are disturbed and business 
depression brings reduction in wages and enforced idle- 
ness, with their train of hardships among the masses,, 
not merely the laborers who are at the point of maxi- 
mum suffering, but the sympathizing public, have a 
ready ear for any explanation which shall make some- 
body directly responsible for this state of affairs. They 
readily turn to those who have the wealth and wha 
have had the direction and control of industrial affairs,. 
as the cause of the calamity. Under these conditions, 
it is not difficult to influence the masses to follow the 
most plausible even though most flippant leader who 
proposes a caustic remedy for the evil, especially if the 
remedy shall look toward the dispossession of those in 
authority, whether in industry or politics. 

Nothing but prosperity prevented the election of 
Mr. Bryan and his followers in 1900. The appeal to 
the prejudice of the masses against corporations and 
millionaire capitalists was not without effect. It was 
seldom resented ; in fact, it found very general lodg- 
ment in the popular mind. Indeed, Mr. Bryan's on- 
slaught upon corporations and the money power was the 
most popular thing in all the campaign. He was tem- 
porarily, at least, in every locality the lion of the pop- 


ulace, but when they came to vote they had to choose 
between plausible sentiment and practical welfare, and 
the welfare won. 

During the last four years, and particularly the 
last two, this unparalleled prosperity, which has really 
prevented a disintegrating revulsion of policy, has 
brought startling changes in the methods and policy of 
industrial organization and management. The concen- 
tration of productive control has been breath-taking. 
More than a billion and a half dollars' worth of prop- 
erty has been concentrated into a single concern and is 
practically directed by less than half a dozen persons. 
As already pointed out,* this may be and probably is 
another step towards greater production at less cost and 
consequently, in the long run, higher wages and 
cheaper products to the public as well as greater profits 
to the capitalists. 

As a part of this movement, we have the high- 
wrought conditions of Wall street. Of course, Wall 
street, like large corporations, is not an unmitigated 
evil, as some imagine. It is not an organized con- 
spiracy against honest investors any more than cor- 
porations are huge robbers. Wall street is the great 
distributing agent of investment and is as essential to 
the mobility of capital as a distributing market for 
products is to industry. This is true in a country like 
this, where industry is mostly conducted by corpora- 
tions, which represent the collective investments of 
small amounts owned by thousands of people- 

One of the conspicuous elements in the marvellous 
industrial progress this country has achieved is due to 
this corporate form of industrial organization. If our 
industries had been compelled to depend upon indi- 
vidual ownership or the partnership form of enterprise, 
as is the case in many of the older countries of Europe, 
* GUNTON'S MAGAZINE, May, 1901, pp. 423-424. 


only a fraction of the development would have been 
possible. It would have been prevented by the sheer 
lack of capital. Our progressive possibilities were so 
great that we needed capital many times faster than it 
could be created out of the previous investments. The 
corporation made it possible to collect the small savings 
as well as the large, of the people all over the country, 
in amounts from five and ten to a hundred dollars and 
upwards, and capitalize it into productive industry under 
corporate management. Moreover, it enabled American 
enterprise to have the advantage of millions upon mil- 
lions of foreign capital. For a long time the greater 
part of the railroads, the city improvements and large 
industrial enterprises of this country, were conducted 
by foreign capital, added to the small investments of 
millions of Americans. This made the capital fund 
and productive capacity of the country grow many 
times faster than it otherwise could possibly have done, 
and also involved the method of investment by pur- 
chase of stocks, for which Wall street furnishes a cen- 
tral market where anybody who has a small amount can 
invest in any properties in the country, and if they 
want to convert their little holdings into cash for pres- 
ent use they can always do so as quickly as they could 
draw it from a bank. The machinery for accomplish- 
ing this is the broker. Through the active operation 
of the economic forces that converge in Wall street, the 
value of stocks, their dividend-earning capacity and 
their probable future, are constantly indicated and reg- 
istered. Thus Wall street and the brokers do for in- 
vestors what large corporations do for production and 
mercantile houses do for the retail distribution of com- 

But there are uneconomic as well as economic 
methods of doing business in Wall street, just as there 
are in the organization and conduct of corporations and 


in any other form of business. Large corporations, by 
using unfair pressure and dishonorable means of com- 
petition, can unjustly injure and drive out competitors. 
For instance, they can and sometimes do send their 
goods into a special locality and sell them considerably 
below cost in order to kill off a competitor. Of course 
they do not intend to keep the price at that low point, 
but, as soon as the competitor is driven out, the price 
is put back and perhaps raised to a higher point than 
before. That is dishonorable business, it is detrimental 
to public welfare and as far as possible should be sup- 

In Wall street there are methods of a similar 
character by which the price of stocks is forced up and 
down without any regard to the earning capacity of the 
property they represent. This is brought about by 
what is known as "bulls" and "bears." A war between 
these two factions frequently brings disturbance of 
prices, which creates panic and is disastrous to busi- 
ness. These havoc-creating panics must be avoided. If 
they are not dealt with on rational conservative lines 
by the capitalists, through stock-exchange regulations 
and other business rules, they will be dealt with by the 
revolutionary method. As James J. Hill said the morn- 
ing after the panic, the people will find some way to 
prevent rich men from using their wealth to create such 
havoc with the lives and interests of the millions of 
people who are honestly going about their business. 

On the other hand, it may be said that people have 
the same right to buy and sell stocks that they have to 
buy and sell potatoes, and there is no more reason why 
law should prevent a man from giving more for stocks 
than they are worth than there is for paying more for 
potatoes than they are worth. All this is true, but as a 
matter of fact panics are not created by legitimate buy- 
ing and selling of stocks. It is when transactions take 


on the gambling phase and people buy what they do not 
want and sell what they do not possess that the danger 

It may be urged that a man may take whatever 
risks he pleases in buying and selling. If he makes a 
mistake he suffers the loss, and vice versa, but this is not 
entirely true. He may have the legal right to do it be- 
cause no attempts have been made to prevent it, but, in 
the larger sense of the public interest, which is the 
basis for limiting and regulating all individual conduct, 
he has not the right to do what tends to injure other 
people who take no part in and are in no way responsi- 
ble for the action. A man will not be permitted to 
create an explosion merely because he is willing to risk 
his own life. The public has rights as well as indi- 

To this Wall street is no exception. Of course 
there can be no restriction on a citizen's right to buy 
and sell as much stock as he can pay for. That would 
be an interference with personal freedom which would 
destroy the right of private investment and be fatal to 
corporate industry. Moreover, if certain individuals, 
or a group of them, would like to control the manage- 
ment of a large corporation in which they have heavily 
invested, their only way is to buy a majority of the 
stock, and Wall street is the place to do it. In order 
to secure the stock, they will have to bid enough to 
induce the present holders to sell. It is equally clear 
that if another group of persons have present control 
and would like to keep it, they can accomplish their end 
only by preventing such sales or increasing their own 
holdings. A contest between two such groups is sure 
to put stock at an abnormally high price. In the end, 
those who give the highest price would get the prop- 
erty, just as they would in buying a piece of real estate 
at auction. There is a limit to which the price will go 


under a contest thus conducted. The limit will be 
determined by the earning capacity of the property. 
No capitalist or group of capitalists will try to control 
a property by giving very much more for it than it is 
ever likely to be worth, because they would be invest- 
ing their wealth in unprofitable assets, which capitalists 
seldom do. 

Now this is substantially what took place in Wall 
street on the gth of May. For valid business reasons, 
the owners of two great systems of railroads wanted to 
strengthen, or at least maintain, the earning capacity 
of the property. The Northern Pacific people thought 
the ownership of either the Chicago, Milwaukee and 
St. Paul or the Burlington and Quincy would strengthen 
their system, and accordingly they went into Wall 
street, quietly, of course, to buy control of the St. Paul. 
This failed, and they proceeded to buy the Burlington 
and Quincy and secured control before their great com- 
petitor, the Union Pacific, discovered what was going 
on. Thus far nothing illegitimate had taken place. 
When the Union Pacific people learned of this they 
scented danger. They interpreted the movement as an 
intent to injure the opportunities of the Union Pacific. 
Now, one of two things seemed to them necessary in 
self-defence ; either that an amicable arrangement 
regarding these properties be entered into, or that they 
must fight for the control themselves. The first failed 
and the war began. The two great interests entered 
into a war in Wall street for control, the Union Pacific 
struggling to get control of the Northern Pacific and 
the Northern Pacific to keep control of the advantage 
it had acquired. 

All this was entirely proper in the interest of wise 
administration of great properties. If the struggle for 
control had been limited to real purchases for invest- 
ment, no panic or calamity would have occurred. If 


the Union Pacific people had simply bought all the 
Northern Pacific stock they could, and kept it, and kept 
on buying until the price rose to the point where it 
would not pay even with control, the buying would 
have stopped. The point would soon have been reached 
when neither side would care to buy, and that would 
have decided who had the most faith in the possibilities 
of the property. This would undoubtedly have led to 
some little disturbance in the prices of stocks, because 
purchasers on both sides would have sold other securi- 
ties in order to purchase stocks in one or the other of 
these concerns, but in all probability nothing approach- 
ing a panic would have occurred. But this is not what 
took place. As soon as the buying began to be percep- 
tible, another element entered ; people began to buy 
what they did not want and sell what they did not have. 
They " bought long" by putting up small ten per cent, 
margins, and so bought ten times as much stock as they 
could pay for, solely in the belief that the price would 
continue to rise and that they could sell it again at a 
higher price. 

Under this bull pressure more stock was bought 
than existed. Indeed, there was no intention of having 
the stock, but purely gambling that it would go higher 
and they could sell again. This created a fever, not of 
buying stock, but of gambling on the rise in stock. If 
people had bought only what they could have paid for, 
only a fraction of this could have taken place. This 
fever, which had no relation whatever to economic buy- 
ing and selling for investment, carried people to the 
point of insanity, where no judgment whatever pre- 
vailed, any more than is involved in betting a fortune 
upon drawing the longest straw from a bundle. 

When the price reached a sufficient height, this 
movement was responded to by the bears selling 
"short;" that is, selling what they did not have. When 


a stock is only worth about 865 and will sell at $600 or 
1,000, it is clear that it is not bought for investment 
and therefore is sure to fall, and, when people begin to 
sell in large quantities at a lower price than that at 
which the last was offered, everybody wants to unload 
for fear of loss. Under this pressure, the "shorts" are 
willing to take the risk of buying a little later at a less 
price than they sell at now, and so offer to sell what 
they do not possess, feeling sure that they can get it a 
little later at a lower price and have the difference as 
profit, and so many times more shares are sold than 
there are in existence. When this takes place, all those 
who have bought on margins as a gamble lose their de- 
posits. If the margin is ten per cent, and the price 
drops, that is wiped out and a new margin is required 
or they lose all, and so on ; whereas, if they had bought 
honestly only what they could pay for, and on the judg- 
ment of good investment, they could have kept their 
stock and not lost anything. But, having spread their 
purchase over ten or fifteen times as much stock as they 
can pay for, when the price falls they are unable to sus- 
tain their margins and are wiped out. Under this pres- 
sure another phase of disturbance begins. 

In order to maintain their margins by putting up 
more money to protect what they have already placed 
on the gamble, they sell their bona fide properties, pay 
a high interest for the loan of securities, and so begin 
to lower the price of other securities which are not oth- 
erwise involved. This makes a disturbance throughout 
the whole field of investment. 

Then another fact is likely to enter : namely, that 
some one party will actually get a "corner'' on the stock 
which is the subject of the war. In that case, when the 
shorts are selling what they have not got, those who 
hold the corner can buy with impunity no matter what 
the price may be, because they are certain that the 


others cannot deliver without coming to them for their 
stock. It was under this pressure that the Northern 
Pacific went up to $1,000 when it was not worth $70. 
When this fact becomes known, the break comes and 
those who have been selling short are called upon to 
buy the stock and deliver it. It cannot be obtained ex- 
cept from those who have bought it, and the price is 
put up by them to the ruining point, and failure and 
bankruptcy begin. 

This is just what occurred on Black Friday, 1873, 
and also on May gth, 1901. It was because Jay Gould 
and his friends had a corner on gold on Black Friday, 
'73, that when the shorts came to settle it broke the firm 
of Jay Cooke & Co. , and the next day forced nineteen 
banking houses into bankruptcy. It was because the 
Northern Pacific stock was finally cornered that it rose 
to $1,000 a share, and those who had sold short stood 
to settle at ruinous rates ; and in the fall which neces- 
sarily followed all margins were wiped out. Both the 
longs and shorts were caught in the wreck. It is true that 
by prompt action of a number of banks, and a mutual 
agreement, the shorts were allowed to settle on what 
were called reasonable terms, by paying about twice 
what the stock was worth. But if this had occurred 
under a state of depressed business it would probably 
have carried with it several brokerage houses and banks, 
and they in turn would have forced a large number of 
business houses to fail. 

None of the disastrous effect of this struggle would 
have occurred if nobody had bought more than he 
could pay for and nobody had sold what he did not 
possess. It is this speculation, gambling, and in many 
instances dishonest transaction that is the cause of the 
disturbance and panic. If this element were removed 
from Wall street there would be no more danger of 
panics and business disturbance from the buying and 


selling of stocks than there is in dealing in any other 
commodities. Occasionally the same methods have 
been applied to wheat and certain other products, and 
usually with the same business-disturbing effect. When 
the corner in copper broke, it nearly took the Bank of 
France and some of the greatest millionaires in the 
world with it. When the recent wheat corner was 
broken, it took Leiter and many others with it, and all 
because they had bought what they did not want and 
could not pay for, or had sold what they did not 

There was considerable truth in Mr. Hill's indig- 
nant declaration the morning after Black Thursday, 
that somebody would have to settle with their con- 
sciences for this panic, that the law ought to step in 
and prevent millionaires from using their millions with 
such disastrous effect to public interests. Whether 
this was honest indignation or mere bluff to cover a 
part Mr. Hill himself had played is not entirely clear, 
but it expressed a sound sentiment nevertheless. If 
the evil of this gambling is not dealt with by the gov- 
ernors of the stock exchange, or the adoption of higher 
methods by the responsible leaders in Wall street, it 
will some day be dealt with in a less intelligent but 
more caustic way by the public. Borrowing and lend- 
ing are legitimate business transactions. Buying and 
selling are essential to the distribution of wealth in the 
community, but buying what one can never pay for and 
selling what one does not own are not legitimate indus- 
trial transactions. They are dangerous gambling, and, 
what is more, they are gambling in a way and with in- 
terests that involve the public. When a man bets on a 
race horse and loses, somebody else has his money and 
that is the end of it. He cannot bet again until he gets 
more money. That is not the case with this gambling 
element in the stock market. The risk is not limited 


to the amount involved by the individual speculator, 
but it affects the value and status and perhaps solvency 
of hundreds of thousands of others who have no part in 
the gambling transaction. The wiping out of margins 
by the bears selling short brings with it the forced sale 
of other stocks at a sacrifice and lowers the value of 
everybody's holdings for the time being, and if for any 
reason they are compelled to sell they have to do so at 
a loss. 

Wall street is a legitimate business market so long 
as its methods are confined to the practice of buying 
what can be paid for and selling what is possessed. It 
is not merely a legitimate institution but is indispensa- 
ble to modern business. But, to the extent that it en- 
dorses and encourages the practice of partial buying 
and fictitious selling, it is the breeding place of panics 
and industrial disturbance. This uneconomic and dis- 
honest element in the practice of Wall street will sooner 
or later have to be dealt with. The question is, shall 
the remedy come in a sane and conservative way 
through the stock exchange and the great leaders of in- 
dustry and finance, and thus strengthen Wall street as 
a center of money, business and banking, or shall it 
come at the behest of an excited indignant public 
through the methods of caustic and perhaps revolution- 
ary legislation? 



Trade routes have always been the most sensitive 
factors in history. Water flowing to the sea does not 
pick out its channels with greater exactitude, and the 
pulse does not respond more quickly to the throbs of 
the heart than do routes of traffic to the slightest dis- 
turbance along their course. Almost always trade 
flows along lines of least resistance ; its one obstacle is 
the force of gravity, and the movements of commerce 
have become so highly organized that the science of 
transportation is practically reduced to a compromise 
between the expenditure of time and the lift against 

The history of Aryan civilization is inseparably 
wrapped up in commerce and trade routes, and, what- 
ever may have been the prime impulses or the genesis 
of civilization, commerce moving along its self-chosen 
lines of least resistance that is, along natural trade 
routes has been the chief factor in its diffusion. In al- 
most his first journey into the heart of Africa Mr. Liv- 
ingston recognized that if civilization were to penetrate 
the continent it must be the work, not of the missionary, 
but of commerce flowing along trade routes. All 
Europe had learned this lesson, and the latter had 
about six centuries of illustration ; moreover it required 
that the lesson scarcely more than half learned should 
be reviewed under the most practical of all masters 
bitter experience. 

From very early historic times there had been 
more or less commercial intercourse between Mediter- 
ranean ports and the far East the cities of India, and a 
few of those of China. The merchants of Tyre sent 



their ships back and forth over the Red sea, and, after 
the conquest of Alexander, over the old Phoenician 
route through Persia to various points still farther 
east. A still more important route lay by the way of 
the Caspian sea along an arm (or perhaps the main 
thalweg) of the Amu Daria*, thence by caravan to the 
Indus, and thence to the marts of India. Another im- 
portant route was through Syria by caravan to the 
Euphrates, and thence down the river through the Per- 
sian gulf. This route was the making of Palmyra and 
the direct cause of its greatness. All these routes, it 
will be observed, centered at the eastern ports of the 
Mediterranean sea, and for a long time there were prac- 
tically two sets of carriers ; especially was this the case 
before the rise of the Saracenic empire, the two meet- 
ing at the eastern ports of the Mediterranean. The 
growth of the Saracenic power advanced until it in- 
cluded Spain and the whole northern coast of Africa. 
Trade was prosecuted briskly, but the Asian part was 
nearly all in the hands of the Mussulmans. Only one 
port was open to Christian merchants ; Persian and 
Armenian merchants sent their goods to Batum and 
thence to Constantinople; silks and oriental goods 
were carried by the Oxus route to the Caspian and 
thence overland to Constantinople. As a result of this 
trade Constantinople grew from a barbaric military 
camp to be the richest city and the seat of the high- 
est civilization in the world. 

With the inspiration of the crusades the commerce 
grew amazingly. Venice and Genoa came into impor- 
tance. The former, by a piece of unparalleled treach- 
ery, wrought the downfall of Constantinople in order 
to grasp her trade, and then engaged in a fierce struggle 

* This river, better known by its former name, Oxtis, now flows di- 
rectly into Aral sea. The old channel to the Caspian sea is plainly 


with the latter in order to hold it. Genoa obtained full 
possession of the northern, Venice of the Red sea route ; 
each, however, wanted both. Nevertheless, the trade 
grew to mammoth proportions. And then came the 
end. The handwriting on the wall was only too plain ; 
but there are none so blind as those who will not see. 
The Turk had been converted to Islam ; and in his zeal 
for his newly adopted religion he decided that he could 
strike no severer blow to Christendom than to arrest its 
trade. So the trade routes to Asia were hermetically 
sealed. As Mr. Fiske puts it : The most magnificent 
commerce the world had ever seen was cut with the 
shears of Atropos. 

But why, one may ask, did not the commercial 
powers of Europe divert their trade along other routes? 
An answer to this question is very easy : there were 
none. There is a very definite boundary between the 
Europe of history and the Asia of history. Not the 
boundaries shown on the maps, however; they are 
merely fiat lines that separate Russian from Siberian 
provinces on the